[Deathpenalty] death penalty news----ILL., MO., NEB., USA
Rick Halperin
rhalperi at smu.edu
Thu May 17 08:59:16 CDT 2018
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May 17
ILLINOIS:
Illinois governor's death penalty plan adds new flaws to old one
During my 1st visit to a prison, a guard in the textile shop pointed out a
little old man absorbed in operating some kind of machine. At 40-some years, he
was then the longest-serving inmate at Illinois' Menard Correctional Center, in
Chester.
"Murder," explained my guide, who seemed to know little else about it.
I wondered whether the killer, who looked like a kindly grandfather, thought he
had been fortunate in avoiding the electric chair.
Imagining myself innocent - for I cannot fathom the idea of murdering anyone -
I always said I would rather be sentenced to death than to life in prison. It
seems preferable to living out my life caged.
More importantly, capital cases appear to get a lot closer review. It seems
that the legal system frets more about wrongfully executing me than wrongfully
condemning me to rot for decades behind bars.
This has not been much of an issue in my home state of Illinois since Gov. Pat
Quinn signed legislation in 2011 doing away with the 1977 capital punishment
law. It was mistakes that killed the killings. In that interim, more death row
inmates had been exonerated (20) than executed (12).
With that backdrop, Gov. Bruce Rauner this week offered a peculiar proposal to
reopen the execution chamber.
The Republican governor used his amendatory veto power to modify (majority
Democrats in the Legislature say hijack) a gun control bill to add a new crime
category called "death penalty murder."
It could be used against someone who killed a police officer or more than one
person at a time. The peculiar part is how Rauner proposes to avoid resuming
the risk of convicting innocent people. The new law would require prosecutors
to prove guilt "beyond all doubt."
We haven't seen this before. The standard has always been proof "beyond a
reasonable doubt." Jurors largely must decide for themselves what that means.
They are expected to apply common sense and life experiences to a verdict that
feels certain, but are not required to determine that there is no doubt
whatsoever.
The new standard is problematic. The judicial apparatus, such as court rules
and appellate decisions, are tailored to the "reasonable doubt" standard. Would
a "death penalty murder" defendant walk free if the higher requirement were not
met? Or would jurors have the added chore of also considering a lesser
certainty for a lesser penalty.
And if that lesser penalty is life in prison, shouldn't the higher standard of
proof apply there too? As I already pointed out, the state is effectively
killing someone either way.
Moreover, dropping the death penalty meant saving money spent for specially
qualified prosecutors and defense attorneys and defense investigators. Capital
appeals are more complicated and expensive. Heck, executioners are even having
trouble getting the lethal drugs they need. Do we want to drop all these
problems back into Illinois' lap?
And for what? I know there are plenty of people who support death sentences,
which are still possible in the federal court system and 31 states. I once
counted myself among those folks, until deciding that there is no measurable
benefit to weigh against the cost and risks. Deterrence? Vengeance? The "why"
question deserves a debate we never seem to have. Rauner's proposal doesn't
change that.
I'm second to none in appreciation of the dangers of police work. But does a
death penalty protect cops? Data from the Officers Down Memorial Page, a
respected and detailed online resource about law enforcement mortality,
suggests maybe not.
The organization catalogs all means of duty deaths, from heart attacks to
traffic crashes to shootings and stabbings. For the 6 years before the state
abolished its death penalty, I found 17 obviously intentional killings of
Illinois officers: 13 by guns and 4 by vehicles. In the 6 years following, I
found just 5: 2 by guns, 2 by vehicles and 1 by other assault. The supposed
deterrent doesn't seem to have mattered.
Also, let's not forget that misconduct by prosecutors, unfairly stacked
evidence and incompetence by defense lawyers - which have been major factors in
past wrongful convictions - might as easily fool jurors into thinking a case is
foolproof.
I figure that Rauner, who is seeking re-election, is really looking for
political gain on a bill whose original purpose frustrates some weapons owners.
Its terms would lengthen the waiting period to buy assault-type rifles to 3
days from 1, prohibit rapid-fire attachments such as "bump stocks, and put
tighter reins on "dangerous" people possessing firearms,
The bill already passed, but cannot become law unless the Legislature either
endorses the governor's additions or overrides them.
Rauner has said he supports the gun restrictions. Restoring a death penalty
could be a way to soften the blow of that as a concession to his party's
hard-liners with the election fewer than 6 months away.
In the end, will he find support for his changes with a continuing Democratic
legislative majority that dumped the death penalty 7 years ago? The answer may
not be beyond all doubt, but I think it's beyond reasonable doubt.
(source: Pat Gauen, St. Louis Post-Dispatch)
**************
Rauner's revisions rile up the Democrats
Partisan skirmishing continues in Springfield.
In rewriting a gun-control bill to reinstate the death penalty in Illinois,
Gov. Bruce Rauner is fighting fire with fire. Or, to put it another way,
politics with politics.
The Democratic-controlled Legislature sent Rauner a gun-control bill to put him
on the hot seat. Now, he's done the same to them with his amendatory veto that
reinstates the death penalty in cases where more than one person or a police
officer is killed.
Don't worry about all of the partisan caterwauling over this legislation - it's
not going anywhere. It's just tit for tat to score political points - Democrats
reassuring their political voters of their enthusiastic support for gun control
while Rauner tries to lure disaffected conservatives back to his fold.
If only our elected officials devoted as much time to policy as they do
politics, an obviously plaintive cry destined to fall on deaf ears.
But to give Rauner's action more credit than it deserves, let's consider what
purports to be a dramatic shift in public policy.
Serious matters like this ought not be addressed by gubernatorial amendatory
vetoes.
If Illinois is going to reinstate the death penalty, it ought to be done after
a serious discussion of the issue in the Legislature. That assumes, of course,
that the General Assembly is capable of a serious discussion of any issue, a
substantial leap of logic. At any rate, it ought to be done thoughtfully, not
by a back-door maneuver.
This is not the 1st time Illinois' top officials have acted with politically
motivated haste on the death penalty.
After all, it was a lame-duck Legislature in the aftermath of the 2010 election
that voted to repeal the death penalty in Illinois. The suspicious timing was
purposeful in that outgoing legislators, many of whom had previously expressed
support for the death penalty, voted for repeal knowing they would never have
to account to voters.
In terms of substance, Rauner's legislative language also is problematic. To
avoid wrongful conviction, it establishes a legal eligibility standard of
"beyond all doubt" that eclipses the traditional standard of beyond a
reasonable doubt. One could see that phrase being litigated ad infinitum in the
courts.
Illinois adopted the death penalty because, theoretically at least, it's an
appropriate penalty for the worst of the worst. But it repealed the death
penalty because the process by which it was imposed was too prone to
irreversible error, an intolerable circumstance in the criminal-justice system.
How many cases of wrongful convictions did Illinois endure as a result of flaws
in the system that showed up time and again? Too many!
But that's policy. Rauner's amendatory veto is about politics.
In that respect, it's a clever move. He took a bill that established a 72-hour
waiting period, increased from 24 hours, to buy a military-style rifle.
Rather than sign it, he rewrote it to include the death penalty and a ban on
bump stocks, creating a tableau intended to give something to gun-control
opponents, gun-control proponents and those tough on crime.
The bill now goes back to the Legislature, where state Rep. Jonathan Carroll
complained that the governor "hijacked my bill."
Of course he did. Now Democratic House Speaker Michael Madigan, who despises
the governor's amendatory-veto power, will hijack Rauner's amendatory veto.
Madigan's past practices include not allowing votes on amendatory vetoes.
Whether he does that this time remains to be seen. But the rewritten version is
not going to pass. The original version probably won't either. In the end, both
sides will get a political issue, which is what this has been all about from
the get-go.
(source: Editorial, The News-Gazette)
*******************
Bishops object as Illinois governor pushes to reinstate death penalty
The Catholic Conference of Illinois decried the governor's call to re-establish
the death penalty, which has not been used in the state in nearly 20 years.
"We are distressed and alarmed by Gov. Bruce Rauner's call for the
reinstatement of the death penalty in any way, shape or form," the conference
said in a May 14 statement.
"We are all God's children, and our 1st - and primary - right to life must
always be protected and unconditional."
On Monday, Governor Rauner encouraged lawmakers to reinstate capital punishment
in Illinois for individuals convicted of mass murder or the death of a police
officer.
"Anyone who deliberately kills a law enforcement officer or is a mass murderer
deserves the death penalty," he wrote to the Illinois House of Representatives.
The recommendation came in an amendatory veto message for House Bill 1468,
which would require a 72-hour waiting period before an assault weapon is
purchased.
The governor cited child safety as his reason for wanting to reintroduce the
death penalty. He drew attention to several recent attacks in U.S. schools.
"There is nothing more precious than our children, and they deserve to be safe
and cared for at school," he said.
Last month, an Illinois task force was created to map out a defense against
school violence.
Governor Rauner said the death penalty should only be used in cases where an
individual is guilty "beyond all doubt" rather than the often-used standard of
"beyond a reasonable doubt." He said this would help avoid wrongful
convictions, such as those that contributed to the abolishment of the state's
death penalty.
However, the Catholic Conference rejected the idea of reinstating the death
penalty in certain cases "beyond all doubt" instead of "beyond a reasonable
doubt," saying that this distinction "is simply parsing words."
"You cannot teach killing is wrong by killing."
The death penalty has not been used in Illinois since 1999. Then-governor
George Ryan issued a moratorium on the practice in 2000, following a report in
the Chicago Tribune detailing flaws in the state's capital punishment system.
The report said that the system was "so riddled with faulty evidence,
unscrupulous trial tactics and legal incompetence that justice has been
forsaken."
Among other problems, the newspaper pointed to inaccurate juries, incompetent
defending lawyers, and unreliable forensic tests. These were among the errors
that occurred with 12 wrongfully convicted death row inmates who were later
exonerated, the article stated.
Before leaving office in 2003, Governor Ryan commuted the death sentences of
more than 160 death row inmates. In 2011, the death penalty was abolished in
Illinois by then-governor Pat Quinn.
(source: angelusnews.com)
********************
Yes, Illinois, let the death penalty die
Gov. Bruce Rauner's ham-handed effort to reinstate the Illinois death penalty
for mass murderers and cop killers is a naked political ploy that has little to
no chance of becoming law.
Thank goodness.
It would be terrible if the GOP governor's obvious attempt to curry favor with
the disaffected Republican right wing via an overreaching amendatory veto were
to bring back a practice George Ryan said was "haunted by the demon of error,
error in determining guilt, and error in determining who among the guilty
deserves to die."
In 2000, the Republican governor commuted the sentences of Illinois death row
inmates and issued a moratorium on state-sponsored executions after more than
20 innocent men were sent to death row for crimes they did not commit. That
moratorium remained in force until 2011 when Gov. Pat Quinn signed legislation
abolishing the death penalty entirely.
Since then, we have heard no hue and cry among the electorate to bring it back.
Bills have been introduced to do so, but have consistently failed to gain
traction, and execution appeared to be a thing past. Or at least it was until
Gov. Rauner resurrected it in his rewrite of a General Assembly-backed bill
that he also larded up with a number of other measures that were not in the
bill lawmakers had carefully vetted, debated and endorsed.
The broad rewrite by Mr. Rauner seems to us a clear abuse of Illinois' already
broad gubernatorial veto authority. Fortunately, it seems equally unlikely that
those changes will be allowed to stand in a Legislature that doesn't take
kindly to having its constitutional duties usurped.
That's good news since, contrary to the governor's claim, there is no way to
ensure that the death penalty can be implemented fairly and without error.
Simply saying, "there must be a burden of proof where a person is guilty beyond
all doubt," before imposing the death sentence won't make it so. Juries in the
past have no doubt believed that the people they sentenced to death but were
later found to be innocent were guilty beyond all doubt at the time of their
trials. How were they to know that the defendant was represented by ineffective
counsel or that police coerced confessions or fabricated evidence or that
witnesses lied?
And though this governor is now calling only for the death penalty for cop
killers and those who murder two or more people, it will be hard to slam the
door on further expansion, a possibility which Gov. Rauner appeared ready to
consider beyond what he initially proposed including this week. The risk of
executing the innocent is simply too great to risk doing so.
In a 2003 address before Northwestern University College of Law then-Gov. Ryan
raised a series of troubling concerns about the fairness of the death penalty
that will not be resolved with this proposed reinstatement.
"Should geography be a factor in determining who gets the death sentence? I
don't think so but in Illinois it makes a difference. You are 5 times more
likely to get a death sentence for 1st-degree murder in the rural area of
Illinois than you are in Cook County. Where is the justice and fairness in
that? Where is the proportionality?'"
What of the role of poverty, race and IQ in the process of seeking justice?
What of the cost of housing death row inmates and the data which suggests that
its existence does not act as a deterrent to murder?
Those difficult questions and their equally troubling answers require Illinois
to follow the lead of Justice Harry A. Blackmun, who promised to "no longer
tinker with the machinery of death."
And to declare, as he did, that "the death penalty experiment has failed," and
pledge to let it rest in peace.
(source: Editorial, Quad Cities Online)
MISSOURI:
Attorney: Too little cash for transgender killing defense
The head of Missouri's public defender system says a suspect in the slaying of
a transgender teen should be spared from facing the death sentence if he's
convicted because there isn't enough money to adequately defend him.
Missouri State Public Defender Office director Michael Barrett argued this
month in a motion filed in Andrew Vrba's 1st-degree murder case that it's not
fair that the state is stepping in to help county prosecutors while also
"depriving the defense of the resources necessary to provide diligent,
effective, and conflict-free-representation." The motion is the latest effort
to draw attention to funding problems that have prompted an ACLU lawsuit and
increasingly led Missouri public defenders to turn down new cases.
"Simply put," the motion said, "if the State wishes to have a death penalty, it
needs to pay for it."
Vrba is 1 of 4 suspects charged in the death of 17-year-old Ally Steinfeld, who
had been missing for weeks when her burned remains were found in September in
the town of Cabool, a rural area about 70 miles (115 kilometers) east of
Springfield. Investigators say her eyes were gouged out and that she was
stabbed several times, including in the genitals. Authorities in Texas County,
Missouri, aren't saying what led to the killing, but have insisted the crime
was not motivated by Steinfeld's gender identity.
After announcing plans in April to seek the death penalty against Vrba, county
prosecutors requested help from the state attorney general's office, citing a
lack of resources and time to handle it. Barrett cried foul, saying the public
defender's capital division staff is "burdened with the greatest number of open
cases in approximately 20 years" and has been rendered "unable to perform its
constitutionally required function."
Missouri attorney general's office spokesman Ryan Cross didn't immediately
return a phone message from The Associated Press. Texas County prosecutor Parke
Stevens Jr. was in court Wednesday and didn't immediately return a message.
The motion highlighted several studies that found that the public defender's
system is underfunded. The funding situation came to a head last year when the
ACLU filed a class-action lawsuit seeking to force the state to spend more.
Then last fall, the Missouri Supreme Court justices disciplined an attorney
with a large caseload they said risked client neglect and later told a public
defender she must ask permission before denying additional cases. Following the
rulings, more public defenders have been turning down cases, leading to
months-long waits before some suspects get legal representation.
The motion said the state has "knowingly disregarded its obligations to provide
diligent, effective, and non-conflicted counsel to poor persons who face loss
of liberty, which is presented in rather glaring contrast to how the ease with
which the (Texas County Prosecuting Attorney) appears able to procure whatever
resources it wishes in the State's effort to execute Mr. Vrba."
Barrett also said in the motion that the attorney general's office shouldn't be
allowed to handle the prosecution because of "repeated ethical violations" in
other cases. A hearing on the motion is scheduled for July.
(source: Associated Press)
NEBRASKA:
Attorneys argue over need ability to use lethal gas in Columbia death penalty
case
A Columbia man on death row for 2 decades sought an untried method of execution
in federal court on Wednesday.
Attorneys for Ernest Lee Johnson argued in federal appeals court that lethal
gas, instead of lethal injection, should be used to kill him, claiming the
injection would cause painful seizures that amount to cruel and unusual
punishment. A federal district judge dismissed Johnson's petition last year
over the issue, and Johnson appealed it the Eighth Circuit.
Johnson was first sentenced to death in 1995 for murdering Mabel Scruggs, Mary
Bratcher and Fred Jones at a convenience store on Ballenger Lane the year
prior. 2 juries upheld that decision after higher courts reversed the
decisions.
The U.S. Supreme Court delayed Johnson's death hours before his execution in
Nov. 2015, claiming the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals didn't properly hear
the case. Johnson's case was sent back to the district level, where he has
attempted to persuade judges to order lethal gas be used in his execution.
Jeremy Weis, one of the attorneys representing Johnson, said a doctor's
examination of Johnson proved pentobarbital posed a "significant" risk of
causing painful seizures due to a brain surgery he had in 2008. Judges
questioned Dr. Joel Zivot's affidavit, saying it did not meet the legal
standard that cruel and unusual punishment was a "likely or very likely" result
of the injection.
"Those are legal terms, and not necessarily medical terms," Weis said. "He's
using medical terminology. The legal terms are what the court has used in terms
of sure or very likely."
Weis said the state could use nitrogen hypoxia instead. An inmate would have a
hood secured over their head and nitrogen gas pumped into it, suffocating them.
Oklahoma recently approved the method for use, and began developing policies to
begin conducting executions with it.
"The things to implement it are easily available," Weis said. "Nitrogen gas is
an inert gas that is available on the open market, and the use of a hood or a
mask would allow for a simple process."
A person must prove an alternate method of execution is feasible and readily
implementable, according to a Supreme Court decision. Assistant Attorney
General Gregory Goodwin argued nitrogen hypoxia met neither standard.
Oklahoma's own study of the method pointed out problems.
"Even a small amount of oxygen that enters the environment has a serious chance
to disrupt the entire execution," Goodwin said.
(source: ABC News)
USA:
America to trial using nitrogen gas as method of execution----Lethal injection
promised to be more humane than the electric chair and gas chamber - but
failed, with many prisoners suffering extreme agony for hours. Now some states
are trialling nitrogen inhalation
Hamstrung by troubles with lethal injection - gruesomely botched attempts,
legal battles and growing difficulty obtaining the drugs - states in America
are looking for alternative ways to carry out the death penalty. High on the
list for some is a method that has never been used before: inhaling nitrogen
gas.
Oklahoma, Alabama and Mississippi have authorised nitrogen for executions and
are developing protocols to use it, which represents a leap into the unknown.
There is no scientific data on executing people with nitrogen, leading some
experts to question whether states, in trying to solve old problems, may create
new ones.<
"If and when states begin carrying out executions with nitrogen, it will amount
to the same type of experimentation we see in the different variations of
lethal injection," said Jen Moreno, a lawyer who is an expert on lethal
injection at the Berkeley Law Death Penalty Clinic.
With some 2,750 inmates on death row in 31 states and in federal and military
prisons, any jurisdiction that tries something new will be scrutinised as a
test lab.
The push for change comes because lethal injection, introduced 40 years ago as
more efficient and humane than the electric chair or gas chamber, has not met
that promise. Indeed, it has sometimes resulted in spectacles that rival the
ones it was meant to avert.
One pitfall is that execution teams must find a vein to infuse, a process that
can be excruciating. In February, an Alabama execution team gave up after
trying for more than 2 hours on an inmate whose blood vessels had been damaged
by chemotherapy and drug abuse. His lawyer accused the team of opening an
artery and puncturing the prisoner???s bladder. The state later said it would
not try again to execute him.
Lethal injection also involves drugs that, if given incorrectly, can result in
suffering. One is a paralysing agent, and the other stops the heart. The
paralysing drug was included in the original plan for lethal injection partly
to make the process look peaceful and less disturbing to witnesses, by
preventing the prisoner from thrashing around.
Both it and the heart-stopping drug are supposed to be given after a powerful
sedative has rendered the person unconscious, but if the sedative does not work
properly, the other two drugs can cause significant pain.
Barbiturates were originally used for sedation, but manufacturers began
refusing to sell them for executions. So states tried substituting other drugs.
Some were ineffective and left prisoners moaning in what appeared to be
prolonged agony.
Nebraska and Nevada hope to soon start using the opioid fentanyl as a sedative.
Illegal use has made it a scourge of national death statistics, but medically
it is an important painkiller and anaesthetic.
Defence lawyers in Nebraska have argued that fentanyl comes under a federal law
that limits its distribution to lifesaving purposes, and that it is therefore
against the law for a prison clinic to distribute it for an execution. A trial
seeking information about the source of the fentanyl is scheduled for 14 May.
In March, Oklahoma's attorney general, Mike Hunter, said that using nitrogen
was "the safest, the best and the most effective method available".
There is scant scientific data to back up that statement. What little is known
about human death by nitrogen comes from industrial and medical accidents and
its use in suicide. In accidents, when people have been exposed to high levels
of nitrogen and little air in an enclosed space, they have died quickly. In
some cases co-workers who rushed in to rescue them also collapsed and died.
Nitrogen itself is not poisonous, but someone who inhales it, with no air, will
pass out quickly, probably in less than a minute, and die soon after - from
lack of oxygen. The same is true of other physiologically inert gases,
including helium and argon, which kill only by replacing oxygen.
A report from the US Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board said that
breathing "an oxygen-deficient atmosphere" can knock a person unconscious after
just 1 or 2 breaths, and that "the exposed person has no warning and cannot
sense that the oxygen level is too low."
(Although nitrogen itself would be novel, gas chambers have existed as a US
execution method since the 1920s. The last case was in 1999, when Arizona used
clouds of hydrogen cyanide to execute an inmate. Coughing and hacking, he took
18 minutes to die.)
Death from nitrogen is thought to be painless. It should prevent the condition
that causes feelings of suffocation: the buildup of carbon dioxide from not
being able to exhale. Humans are highly sensitive to carbon dioxide - too much
brings on the panicky feeling of not being able to breathe.
Somewhat surprisingly, the lack of oxygen does not trigger that same reflex.
Someone breathing pure nitrogen can still exhale carbon dioxide and therefore
should not have the sensation of smothering.
Before passing out, a person may feel lightheaded, dizzy or maybe even a bit
euphoric, and vision may dim.
Dr Charles D Blanke, who has studied data on physician-assisted dying, said it
was not at all clear that nitrogen inhalation would bring a peaceful death.
Blanke, a medical oncologist and professor at Oregon Health and Science
University, said he had consulted colleagues in pulmonary medicine and
anaesthesiology, and they had concerns that carbon dioxide actually could build
up and cause feelings of suffocation.
Nitrogen is not used in states where medically assisted dying is legal; those
patients, who are terminally ill, usually drink a huge dose of barbiturates.
Veterinary experts generally do not recommend nitrogen or other inert gases for
euthanising mammals. Responses to the gas vary according to species, and in its
2013 guidelines, the American Veterinary Medical Association said: "Current
evidence indicates this method is unacceptable because animals may experience
distressing side effects before loss of consciousness."
Unlike lethal injection, the use of nitrogen would not require that the
execution team dig around for a vein. An anaesthesiologist, who requested
anonymity because medical societies bar members from participating in
executions or providing information to encourage them, said that nitrogen
inhalation was less cruel than lethal injection. And since it presumably would
involve no paralytic agent, witnesses would be able to see whether the person
seemed to be suffering, he said.
Seizures might occur from inhaling nitrogen, he said. But if the technique
appears to go smoothly, he predicted that other states would quickly adopt it.
In fact, according to state documents, in May 2016 an Arizona company sent a
sales-pitch letter for nitrogen gas executions to Nebraska officials. Among the
standout features of its Euthypoxia Chamber: it "produces calm and sedation
followed by inebriation and euphoria"; it "requires no medical expertise"; and
it guarantees "the demise of any mammalian life in 4 minutes".
In passing along the letter to another official, a state corrections department
executive hand-wrote: "I'm not intending to respond - just thought it was an
odd correspondence."
Moreno, of the Berkeley Law Death Penalty Clinic, said that implementing
nitrogen gas is not as simple as states suggest. There are different grades of
nitrogen, including medical and industrial with commensurate purities and
regulations.
Observers of the execution would need protection. Officials would have to
figure out how to safely clear nitrogen from the room before a physician could
declare death and the staff could remove the body.
The Final Exit Network, a volunteer organisation that supports the rights of
people with terminal illness or intractable suffering to end their lives,
considers nitrogen inhalation a reasonable method, and directs people to
information about it. The technique involves putting a plastic bag over one???s
head and pumping in nitrogen.
Janis Landis, president of the network, said: "The science behind inert gases
is quite well settled. Any inert gas one can breathe in, in place of oxygen.
You don't have air hunger. You can keep breathing. You pass out and you die."
She said that in the past, many people had used helium to end their lives, from
tanks they purchased at party-supply stores that stock them to inflate
balloons.
But some suppliers, realising their product was being used for suicide, began
mixing in air, making the helium less effective, so nitrogen became the
preferred choice.
Landis said: "People opposed to the death penalty, scratching their heads about
how this could work, I think they're mixing up their views about whether this
should be done versus whether it can be done."
Experts on state-sanctioned execution methods suggest that the search for a
palatable means of carrying out death sentences is itself uniquely American.
Aside from the United States, the relatively few countries who execute
prisoners typically do so by hanging, beheading or firing squad - methods that
most Americans find repugnant.
Robert Dunham, executive director of the Death Penalty Information Centre, said
that such a reaction exemplifies the collision between 2 contradictory traits
that streak through the national identity.
"One is a tradition of tenderness, with us being the safeguard of human dignity
and decency," he said. "The other is a culture of violence. And when you're
concerned about human rights and dignity, that carries an aversion to gruesome
killings by the state. But the death penalty is inherently violent - so those
traditions now are really at loggerheads."
(source: independent.co.uk)
***************
Behind death penalty's sharp global decline, a shift in attitudes?
Why We Wrote This
Nowhere is diligence more required of justice systems than in the imposition of
the death penalty. As societies carefully consider the stakes - and the
effectiveness - of the punishment, more of them are backing away.
The stats tell a story: Over the past decade, an average of 1 country per year
has repealed the death penalty, with Guinea and Mongolia doing away with it in
2017. That's according to a report by Amnesty International that suggests a
change in global attitudes toward the death penalty, a handful of execution
strongholds notwithstanding. Amnesty recorded 993 executions in 23 countries in
2017, down 39 % from 2015. (These figures do not include thousands of suspected
executions in China, Belarus, and Vietnam, which are state secrets.) That
downward trend includes the United States, which carried out 23 executions in
2017, down from 98 executions in 1999, according to the Death Penalty
Information Center. There is a host of factors driving the decline, including
concerns about human rights, discrimination, potential wrongful convictions,
and its effectiveness as a deterrent. Some point to a deeper shift in
attitudes. "We are in a period of national reconsideration of capital
punishment," says one political scientist who studies capital punishment. "The
death penalty is not just on the decline but [its proponents are] on the
defensive."
(source: Christian Science Monitor)
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