[Deathpenalty] death penalty news----N.H., FLA., NEB., CALIF., USA
Rick Halperin
rhalperi at smu.edu
Fri Jun 22 07:46:56 CDT 2018
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June 22
NEW HAMPSHIRE:
Sununu veto keeps state's death penalty law intact----Governor promised veto
after NH House, Senate passed repeal earlier this year
Gov. Chris Sununu delivered Thursday morning on his promise to veto a measure
passed in the New Hampshire House and Senate to repeal the state's death
penalty law.
The governor was flanked by law enforcement officials from departments across
the state as he vetoed the bill.
"To repeal the death penalty today would deprive future victims of the justice
they deserve," Sununu said. "Abolishing the death penalty would send the wrong
message to those who would commit the most heinous offenses within our state
borders."
The House passed Senate Bill 593 in April, but the vote fell short of the 2/3
supermajority that would be needed to override the veto.
"While I very much respect the arguments made by the opponents of this bill, I
stand with crime victims, members of the law enforcement community and
advocates for justice in opposing this bill," Sununu said.
The Senate voted in favor of the bill by a 14-10 vote, also short of the
override threshold, in March.
The bill wouldn't apply to the state's only death row inmate, Michael Addison,
who was convicted in the 2006 capital murder of Officer Michael Briggs.
Opponents of repeal warned that despite the bill???s language repealing the
death penalty only for future murders, Addison's attorneys will move in court
to have his penalty reduced to life in prison.
The last time a convicted murderer was put to death in New Hampshire was in
1939.
State lawmakers last sent a death penalty repeal bill to the governor's desk in
2000, when then-Gov. Jeanne Shaheen vetoed it.
"We have made our arguments in front of both houses in the Legislature, and we
believe that this is the right thing to do," Franklin Police Chief David
Goldstein said.
Barbara Keshen, who chairs the Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty, said
many of the victims her group represents are against capital punishment.
"They don't want to be part of a system that creates another grieving family,
which is what the death penalty does," Keshen said. "That is not justice. Life
in prison is sufficient justice for them."
The bill will head back to the Legislature, but death penalty opponents would
need to get more votes in the House and Senate to reach the 2/3 majorities
needed to overturn the veto.
(source: WMUR news)
FLORIDA:
Tentaction's alleged murderer facing death penalty as he is charged with
1st-degree murder
XXTentacion's alleged murderer, Dedrick D. Williams, has been charged with 1
count of 1st-degree murder.
If convicted, the only 2 sentences available for that statute are life in
prison and the death penalty.
Williams went before the judge on Thursday afternoon local time where he was
held without bond 'due to probable cause'.
He will also have to return to court on Monday after he was hit with a
probation violation that stemmed from 2014.
The 22-year-old was arrested Wednesday night in South Florida and booked for
1st-degree murder by Broward County sheriff's departement.
He has previous arrests for cocaine possession, weapons possession, domestic
violence, aggravated assault with a firearm and grand theft auto.
A suspect has been arrested in the death of rapper XXXTentacion, according to
police. Dedrick D. Williams was taken into custody Wednesday, 2 days after the
artist, whose birth name was Jahseh Onfroy, was gunned down in South Florida.
He has been accused of shooting dead 20-year-old rapper XXXTentacion in South
Florida during an armed robbery on Monday.
The rapper, real name Jahseh Onfroy, was shot and died at the scene, and a
statement from the Broward County Sherriff's Office added that the incident was
a 'likely robbery' as his Louis Vuitton bag was stolen.
XXXTentacion shot to fame with the song Look At Me, which has been streamed 81
million times on Spotify. His debut album reached number 1 on the Billboard
charts.
XXXTentacion's music has climbed up the charts in the wake of his death.
(source: metro.co.uk)
NEBRASKA:
Nebraska Supreme Court rejects motion by death row inmate Carey Dean Moore to
dismiss his lawyer
The Nebraska Supreme Court has denied a death row inmate's request to go
without legal representation as he advances toward execution.
Late Wednesday, the court overruled Carey Dean Moore's motion to dismiss his
appointed attorney from the Nebraska Commission on Public Advocacy. The
commission is a state legal office that represents defendants facing serious
felony charges who are unable to afford a lawyer.
Moore, 60, has been on death row for 38 years for the killings of 2 Omaha
cabdrivers in 1979. State officials are trying to carry out his execution this
summer, making him the 1st inmate put to death in 21 years and the 1st to be
executed by lethal injection.
In his May 24 motion to dismiss his lawyer, Moore told the high court, "I do
not want any further legal representation and I do not want anyone to file
anything on my behalf."
The court's decision to overrule the motion was registered in the case file
without comment. It's unclear if the order means a lawyer with the commission
will file pleadings to contest the execution despite Moore's wishes.
Chief Justice Michael Heavican also appointed a member of the Nebraska Court of
Appeals to serve as a Supreme Court judge in the Moore case. Assigned to the
case was Judge Francie Riedmann of Gretna, who has served on the Court of
Appeals since 2012.
Attorney General Doug Peterson has filed a motion to issue a death warrant and
set a date for Moore's execution. He also has asked the court to hasten its
decision to carry out the sentence before 1 of 4 lethal injection drugs expires
on Aug. 31.
The Supreme Court has not yet ruled on those motions.
Moore, the longest-serving of Nebraska's 11 death row inmates, killed Reuel Van
Ness and Maynard Helgeland, both 47, 5 days apart in the summer of 1979.
Even though Moore is not actively contesting his possible execution, several
lawsuits pending in District Court or on appeal could have an impact on the
death penalty.
(source: omaha.com)
CALIFORNIA:
Jury returns death penalty verdict for gang slayings in Tulare County
A jury of 10 men and 2 women in Tulare County returned a death penalty verdict
Thursday in the case of a gang member who killed a man who had been beaten with
brass knuckles and ordered the murder of another man to silence him.
The death penalty verdict was reached after four hours of deliberation, the
Tulare County District Attorney's Office said.
Norteno gang member Eric Jimenez, 33, of Strathmore - his gang moniker is
Psycho - was convicted June 13 of 2 murders.
One was 1st-degree murder with the special circumstances of being committed in
the commission of a robbery. In the killing of a 2nd victim, he was found
guilty of murder to help a criminal street gang. Plus he was found guilty of
2nd-degree murder with the special allegation it was committed to help the
street gang.
The same jury also found him guilty of conspiracy to commit murder, conspiracy
to dissuade a witness from testifying, dissuading a witness from testifying,
residential robbery and vehicle theft, all felonies, the District Attorney's
Office said.
Jimenez had 5 previous felony convictions between 2004 and 2012: carrying a
concealed and loaded gun, possession of methamphetamine with intent to sell,
vandalism, possession of a deadly weapon in jail, and possession of brass
knuckles.
The District Attorney's Office gave this account of the murders:
On the night of March 28, 2012, Jimenez and gang member Matthew Campos, 28,
walked into the Porterville garage of Jimenez's girlfriend, Raquel Espinosa,
29, as she was talking to 39-year-old Jorge Ayon.
Jimenez knew the victim often carried money and drugs. After a brief exchange,
Jimenez pistol whipped Ayon and held his hands while Campos struck him with
brass knuckles.
Jimenez then ordered Espinosa to get an electrical cord, which was used to
strangle the victim to death.
Jimenez and Campos took the drugs and money, rolled the victim up in a carpet
and put his body in the extended cab of his own pickup truck. They drove away,
with Jimenez dropping Campos at his home before going to a mechanic's shed on
private property outside Porterville.
At the shed, Jimenez placed the victim's body in a service pit, poured gasoline
over the body and set it on fire. The owner of the property saw the smoke and
notified authorities.
Porterville police tracked him down April 23, 2012, found the brass knuckles
and arrested him. On May 25, Campos, who had told his friends about the murder,
was arrested along with Espinosa.
In jail, Jimenez feared people would tell police what he did, so he conspired
to murder 19-year-old Michael Avalos.
On Nov. 9, 2017, Campos was convicted of 2nd-degree murder and sentenced to 16
years-to-life in prison.
Meanwhile, Espinosa pleaded guilty to being an accessory after the fact and is
awaiting sentencing on June 27.
"The death penalty is not something to be taken lightly," District Attorney Tim
Ward said. "It is reserved for the most heinous, callous, and depraved crimes
imaginable. I am grateful to law enforcement and prosecutors for working
tirelessly and investing countless hours to secure justice for the families of
the victims."
Judge Kathryn Montejano presided over the trial.
The case was prosecuted by Supervising Deputy District Attorney Melissa Chabra
and investigated by Tulare County Sheriff's Sergeants Steve Sanchez and Frank
Zaragoza, and investigator Jerry Hunziger of the District Attorney's Bureau of
Investigations.
(source: fresnobee.com)
*****************
Supreme Court Okays Death For Orange County Man Who Cannibalized 12-Year-Old
Boy
The Supreme Court of California Thursday affirmed a death penalty punishment
for a one-armed amputee and immigrant, who fled Egypt on religious persecution
grounds and suffered severe mental illness including regular hallucinations,
because he molested, murdered, dismembered and may have cannibalized a
12-year-boy in La Habra in 1998.
John Samuel Ghobrial, an unemployed panhandler who served in the Egyptian army
and lived in a backyard residential shack, now officially becomes Orange
County's 72nd defendant on San Quentin State Prison's death row.
Though Ghobrial, repeatedly chained and beaten as a kid, was known to defecate
on rooftops, mutilate himself, hear imaginary voices, push a loaded shopping
cart down Imperial Highway, utter hyper-talkative ramblings, pull out his own
hair and toenails, cover his face with butter and coffee, and had publicly
threatened to eat his 6th-grade victim's penis prior to the murder of Juan
Delgado, the court rejected a defense argument that an Orange County Superior
Court judge wrongly failed to conduct a mental competency hearing.
The court ruled, "Although the defense counsel's penalty phase mitigation
evidence showed that the defendant suffered from serious mental illness, we
conclude that the mitigating evidence did not constitute substantial evidence
of present incompetence that required the trial court, on its own motion, to
declare doubt and conduct a competence hearing."
The court also didn't accept a defense contention that while Ghobrial was the
killer, there was insufficient evidence of a premediated murder.
"The defense stresses that the prosecution never presented evidence of
extensive planning," the court opined. "The jury was, however, entitled to
consider evidence showing that [Ghobrial] had previously threatened to kill
Delgado in considering whether the murder was premediated. [A witness]
testified that Delgado approached him outside a liquor store and told him that
the defendant was going to kill him and he later heard [Ghobrial] tell Delgado,
'I will kill you and eat your pee-pee.' The jury further heard evidence that
when Delgado???s remains were found, his penis was missing."
"A police search of his shed located a saw, scissors, knife, body cleaver, bolt
cutters, a capping tool, tin snips and latex gloves plus Delgado's school work,
shoes and clothes.)
Finally, the court rejected a defense claim that the trial judge wrongly
blocked potential testimony that would have purportedly shown "that the victim
often sought out the companionship of adult men" while hanging around stores
late at night.
The judges wrote, "The trial court excluded the testimony, concluding that any
evidence describing Delgado's general interactions with customers and employees
at local businesses was irrelevant because such evidence had no tendency to
prove or disprove that [Ghobrial, now 48-years-old] molested Delgado."
(source: Orange County Weekly)
USA:
How Abolishing The Death Penalty Degrades Both Justice And Mercy----To abolish
the death penalty is to abdicate the civilizational attempt to instantiate
justice in law, and precludes the possibility of mercy.
A recent Pew survey shows that a majority of Americans favor capital
punishment, with Christians leading the way. It is not just Republican-leaning
white evangelicals: a majority of American Catholics support the death penalty,
despite the pope's objections. Tradition seems to be on the side of the laity
here, although in the interest of ecumenical harmony I shall not recount the
details of the Catholic Magisterium???s previous enthusiasm for executions.
Nonetheless, last year there was a significant (by the standards of Catholic
intellectual circles) dust-up over a book by Edward Feser and Joseph Bessette
that offers a Catholic defense of capital punishment. Public Discourse
published articles by E. Christian Brugger (1, 2) and Christopher Tollefsen (1,
2) that relied on the so-called new natural law theory to argue that capital
punishment is intrinsically immoral. These essays, and Feser's responses (1, 2,
3), have some Catholic inside-baseball elements, but their broader claims
against the death penalty are meant to be binding for all Christians, and even
for all rational persons.
Meanwhile, in Commonweal, which vies with the Jesuit magazine America to be the
voice of left-wing Catholicism in this country, Orthodox theologian David
Bentley Hart provided an alternative critique of capital punishment that
reaches back to the early days of the church and Christian radicalism. These
arguments are made in good faith, and merit engagement from those they seek to
persuade, whether Catholic, Orthodox, or Protestant.
Thus, although a Protestant jumping into a Catholic or Orthodox theological
debate is usually as welcome as a streaker running through a team's scrimmage,
I shall respond to their broad claims metaphorically dousing myself in orange
paint and sprinting onto the field.
The 2 Big Death Penalty Criticisms
There are 2 distinct, and largely incompatible, criticisms of the death
penalty. The 1st, advanced by the new natural lawyers, is that moral reason
shows the death penalty is unjust because it directly and intentionally harms
the basic human good of life. The 2nd, made by Hart, is that although the death
penalty may accord with natural justice, Christians must live according to
Christ's radical teachings without any public-private distinction - Christians
must forgo state violence and seek mercy for even the worst murderers.
Despite their differences, these arguments overlap in several significant ways.
Both seek more than a unified Catholic (or Orthodox) teaching on capital
punishment. The new natural lawyers present their case as one of philosophical
reason, knowable by all rational persons regardless of religious belief. Hart
makes his case to all Christians, asserting that "no Christian who truly
understands his or her faith can possibly defend the practice of capital
punishment."
Those making such broad claims insulate themselves against directly engaging
the merits of the death penalty. To effectively critique the new natural
lawyers in a fashion they will acknowledge requires engaging with their entire
system. This is a worthy project, but it is also a book-length one. Shorter
critiques, such as this one, can only be partial and preliminary. Likewise,
addressing Hart requires extended discussion of the relationship between
Christ's radical teachings and the responsibilities Christians in public office
have - if Christians should be in government at all.
Both Hart and the new natural lawyers sidestep this question of responsibility,
which explains why Augustine is largely absent from their contributions to the
current debate. Yet they are undoubtedly familiar with Augustine's
consideration of a judge who, in ignorance, may bring the full brutal force of
Roman law against the innocent, torturing and even condemning them.
He wrote, "If such darkness shrouds social life, will a wise judge take his
seat on the bench or no? Beyond question he will. For human society, which he
thinks it a wickedness to abandon, constrains him and compels him to this
duty." But while the judge may be guiltless (he injures from ignorance, not
malice), his happiness will be marred by the "misery of these necessities" and
if he is pious he will cry to God to be delivered from them.
This passage does not contain any definitive teaching that is binding on
Catholics, let alone other Christians, nor does it directly address the death
penalty. Indeed, its primary purpose was to illustrate the miseries of earthly
life. Yet it introduces an axis of theological and philosophical reflection
that Hart and the new natural lawyers have abandoned - that of responsibility
and our duties to the necessities of our fellow men with whom we share this
life.
Hart simply disavows such responsibilities if they conflict with what he takes
to be Christ's commands, writing that, "On the whole, the Gospel is probably
not a very good formula for protecting public safety." Likewise, the new
natural lawyers dismiss any concern for the consequences of following the moral
absolutes they believe their system provides. For example, during the Cold War,
they insisted on unilateral nuclear disarmament even though they thought it
would likely lead to worldwide communist tyranny. They have also argued that it
is always wrong to lie, even to save Jews from the Nazis (their example, not
mine).
Participating in Government Requires Violence
To be sure, radical otherworldliness is part of Christian ethical reflection,
Augustine's included. But it is only part - the sense of responsibility
Augustine described is another part. And if Christians are to participate in
earthly government, whether by holding office or simply by voting, they will
have to reckon with the violence that is intrinsic to the survival and
well-being of any polity in the City of Man.
Indeed, if Hart wants Christians to abolish the death penalty, they will only
be able to do so through participation, and inevitable complicity, in a
government that requires violence to sustain itself. Those who seek to improve
governance in the City of Man will become responsible for it, and therefore
will experience the tension that Augustine so eloquently illustrated in the
figure of the wise judge. It is wickedness to abandon their duty, though they
may pray even more fervently for the Kingdom of God to come, that they might be
delivered from the evils of their necessities.
The new natural lawyers respond to this challenge by claiming that adherence to
the moral absolutes their philosophy picks out is a fulfillment of
responsibility - a protection of basic human goods. No other responsibility, no
matter how weighty, can override these moral absolutes. However horrible the
situation is, and regardless of the consequences of inaction, one must avoid
the guilt of violating a moral absolute.
However, this philosophy of moral purity is less stringent than it might
appear. Their philosophical analysis of act and intention provides a backdoor
by which ostensibly forbidden acts may return to consideration, if the acting
agent frames his intentions just so. But although their casuistry may cleverly
weave its way through apparent contradictions in the pages of a philosophy
journal, it collapses in the real world because their model of moral reasoning
bears no resemblance to moral knowledge and deliberation as experienced by
ordinary people.
Same Action, Finely Parsed Different Intent
This failure may be seen in their discussions of justifiable killings, where
they emphasize disavowing the intention to do what one knowingly does. For
instance, John Finnis, the dean of the new natural lawyers, has argued that one
must never perform an abortion to save the life of the mother in a childbirth
gone disastrously wrong. However, the doctor may dismember the child, so long
as his intention is not to kill the child (however foreseeable that may be),
but only to relieve the obstetrical blockage that will kill the mother.
Thus, if the physician reasons that the child must die so that the mother may
live, he is a damnable murderer. If he reasons that the mother should be saved,
even if the means involve the foreseeable (but "unintended") death of the
child, he is morally upright. This distinction may hold in a philosopher???s
faculty office or armchair, but it will not hold in the hospital, where the
doctor will, if he be pious, pray to be delivered from his necessities.
The new natural lawyers reject concrete responsibilities in the name of justice
and personal moral purity; Hart rejects them in the name of mercy. For the
former, one's personal responsibilities have no weight against the moral
absolutes derived from their philosophizing. For the latter, they have no worth
against what he takes to be the requirements of Christian mercy.
Neither of these viewpoints is solely, or even primarily, about the death
penalty; each encompasses much more. And both are vulnerable to a critique
rooted in the life and writings of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, the German pastor and
theologian martyred by the Nazis.
Christians Have Duty to Resist Evil
Unlike Hart, Bonhoeffer came to reject Christian quiescence and to recognize
the Christian duty to resist grave moral evils. Unlike the new natural lawyers,
Bonhoeffer did not prioritize his personal moral purity (as determined by
adherence to analytical moral absolutes) over his concrete responsibilities.
Contrary to the new natural lawyers' emphasis on the imperative of maintaining
personal moral purity even in extreme situations, Bonhoeffer suggested that the
only thing we cannot avoid is guilt.
In some situations, even principled inaction violates one???s responsibilities.
The responsible man or woman will sometimes (and those times cannot be clearly
delineated in advance) be willing to incur the guilt of violating abstract
principles in order to fulfill concrete responsibilities. In this, Bonhoeffer
argues, they will follow the example of Jesus, who took upon Himself the guilt
of all men, and for that reason every man who acts responsibly becomes guilty.
If any man tries to escape guilt in responsibility he detaches himself from the
ultimate reality of human existence, and what is more he cuts himself off from
the redeeming mystery of Christ's bearing guilt without sin and he has no share
in the divine justification which lies upon this event. He sets his own
personal innocence about his responsibility for men, and he is blind to the
more irredeemable guilt which he incurs precisely in this; he is blind also to
the fact that real innocence shows itself precisely in a man???s entering into
the fellowship of guilt for the sake of other men. Through Jesus Christ it
becomes an essential part of responsible action that the man who is without sin
loves selflessly and for that reason incurs guilt.
Those who avoid the guilt of acting to fulfill their responsibilities incur the
guilt of the self-righteousness and lack of charity shown in their abdication
of responsibility. Rather than using strategies of evasion and redescription
(such as the principle of double effect) to deny responsibility for what one
deliberately and knowingly does, Bonhoeffer urged a clear acknowledgement of
the deeds one is responsible for, including the guilt one might thereby incur.
Abolishing Punishments Also Abolishes Mercy
The new natural lawyers' flight from concrete responsibilities to theoretical
responsibilities rooted in ostensibly basic human goods is a result of their
fundamental misunderstanding of the nature of moral knowledge. By attempting to
establish universal, impersonal moral absolutes that are demonstrable to any
rational person, they discard that which is in need of moral guidance - the
individual in all of his or her particularity. Their attempt to demonstrate
irrefutable moral truths fails, as, according to Bonhoeffer, all such systems
must, and it leads to neglecting actual moral responsibilities to one's
neighbors.
Their attempt to demonstrate irrefutable moral truths fails, and leads to
neglecting actual moral responsibilities to one???s neighbors.
Furthermore, these critics of the death penalty struggle with mercy as well as
responsibility. The new natural lawyers abolish mercy in capital cases by
declaring that it is unjust to execute anyone. But there is no mercy in letting
them live if justice demands that they be spared. Those who would abolish the
death penalty for mercy's sake also eliminate mercy. There is no mercy in
agents of the state not doing that which is no longer within their power.
If the death penalty is pre-emptively abolished, then it is no longer mercy to
spare murderers, it is simply following the law, and mercy established as law
is no longer mercy. Only those who established the law could make a claim to
mercy, and it would be an attenuated and impersonal one.
Other criticisms may be added. Lifelong incarceration was generally impractical
for most of human history, and historically each village was forced to hang its
own. Under such difficulties, the case for the death penalty as a form of
self-defense was stronger. Furthermore, the new natural lawyers struggle to
adequately reckon with Scripture, in which God enjoins the death penalty, and
at times even total war, as well as smiting people directly. In response, they
flirt with voluntarism to explain away God acting (and ordering others to act)
directly against the basic human good of life.
The Death Penalty Restrains State Violence
None of these arguments, or others that could be made, are dispositive. I do
not offer a system of moral philosophy and moral absolutes that is universally
demonstrable to all rational persons. Like Bonhoeffer, I consider such to be
impossible. Therefore, I do not hope to offer an indisputable case for the
death penalty, nor shall I offer the inverse of Hart's casual dismissal of the
understanding of the many saints who have approved of the death penalty.
Nonetheless, reflection on the origins and nature of state violence offer
reasons to think that both justice and mercy require the possibility of capital
punishment for the worst crimes. The origins of the death penalty are clear
enough. Every successful polity rests upon a foundation of state violence, and
capital punishment is a continuation of pre- and proto-political violence. As
Augustine knew, a conqueror such as Alexander the Great was like a pirate or
brigand operating on a grand scale.
Every successful polity rests upon a foundation of state violence, and capital
punishment is a continuation of pre- and proto-political violence.
However, establishing the death penalty as part of a system of law ritualizes
and may restrain the lethal violence on which governments are founded. Law
provides for the possibility of public justice, as opposed to private
retribution or warlord justice. In developing the state, the death penalty is
part of a codification and regulation of state violence, which may develop into
a legal system that aspires to justice and proportionate punishment of the
wicked.
However, that the death penalty codifies the violence inherent in establishing
a political order does not mean that it should be retained. The new natural
lawyers would say that capital punishment is a residual injustice that we
should remedy - though, as Feser points out, they do not directly dispute that
the death penalty is a justly proportionate punishment for some crimes. Hart
concedes the natural justice of the death penalty, but holds that Christians
should replace it with mercy.
However, eliminating the death penalty does not abolish lethal state violence.
The government will still use force against those who do not comply with its
directives, even if it will not deliberately execute them. This may seem to be
a moral advance, but it actually disassociates state violence from justice.
Genuine self-defense, whether by a private citizen or an agent of the state, is
justified, but because the violence used in stopping or restraining someone is
imprecise, it is not necessarily just.
It may be justified, in defense of self and others, to fatally shoot a violent
lunatic, a fleeing suspect, or a home invader. But these deeds, however
justified, are not the administration of justice, which demands deliberate
proportionality in punishment - something that is impossible in defensive
violence.
The Death Penalty Connects State Violence and Justice
A government dedicated to only using defensive violence will still commit
lethal violence that is neither just nor merciful. Only including the death
penalty as a proportionate punishment for certain heinous crimes can maintain
the connection between justice and lethal state violence. Without this final
proportionate response to heinous crimes, there will be only the haphazardly
lethal outcomes of defensive violence, including defensive violence used to
ensure that lesser punishments are meted out. In such a state the deadly
violence necessary to the existence of any polity will be not only accidentally
unjust, but intrinsically unjust, as it will never be administered deliberately
and proportionately. Without this final proportionate response to heinous
crimes, there will be only the haphazardly lethal outcomes of defensive
violence.
To abolish the death penalty is to abdicate the civilizational attempt to
instantiate justice in law, and precludes the possibility of mercy. Unless
proportionate punishment extends to lethal state violence, then all the deadly
violence necessary to state survival will be intrinsically unjust. And unless
death is a deserved and possible penalty, there is no mercy in sparing a
murderer's life.
These arguments are not dispositive, and perhaps Christians ought to abandon
violence (whether defensive or proportionate punishment) altogether, in an
attempt to more fully live the gospel. I find Hart's emphasis on the radicalism
of the gospel and early church more sympathetic than the analytic philosophical
precision of the new natural lawyers.
Quietism has an attraction that casuistry does not. And I agree that Christians
should be uncomfortable with the violent necessities of keeping such earthly
peace as there can be. But does this require Christian quiescence, or might we,
like Augustine's judge, fulfill the responsibilities of earthly life while
praying for the heavenly kingdom to come and deliver us from them? Perhaps, no
matter what, the only thing we cannot avoid is guilt.
(source: Nathanael Blake, The Federalist)
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