[Deathpenalty] death penalty news----OKLA., NEB., ARIZ., USA
Rick Halperin
rhalperi at smu.edu
Sat Jan 6 07:33:18 CST 2018
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January 6
OKLAHOMA:
Galesburg native remains on death row
No execution dates are set for the 1st part of 2018 in Oklahoma, including one
for Galesburg native Richard Glossip.
"There is nothing happening right now as far as executions are concerned.
They're still on hold in Oklahoma and will be for the foreseeable future," said
attorney Don Knight, who represents Glossip.
That has been the case since Glossip received a stay of execution in September
2015 after an issue was discovered with the drugs that were to be used to put
him to death. Oklahoma continues to look into a process to begin carrying out
executions, meaning there has yet to be a new execution date set for Glossip.
According to The Associated Press, executions in Oklahoma will not be set for
150 days, or 5 months, after the state establishes new protocols for the death
penalty there.
Knight continues to work on the case, but declined further comment on specifics
in an interview with The Register-Mail.
Glossip has been on death row in Oklahoma for several years after he was
convicted of 1st-degree murder for the 1997 murder of Barry Van Treese, who was
Glossip's boss at a motel in Oklahoma City at the time.
Glossip has maintained his innocence since he was arrested and was found guilty
in a murder-for-hire scheme. Justin Sneed, who admitted to killing Van Treese,
received life in prison for testifying against Glossip. That testimony was the
only evidence suggesting Glossip was involved.
Glossip was born in Galesburg, where relatives still reside. He was born in
Cottage Hospital in 1963 to Heron and Sally Glossip. By the time he moved out
at the age of 14, Richard was 1 of 16 siblings in the Glossip home.
2 years later, he married Jackie Hodge and had 2 children in Galesburg. He went
on to marry Missy King and have 2 more children before leaving Illinois and
traveling from Iowa to Nebraska and ending up in Oklahoma, according to
Register-Mail files.
The Galesburg native's case received renewed attention in April 2017 after
Investigation Discovery ran a 4-part series on the case called, "Killing
Richard Glossip." That is still available to stream from the channel's website
at www.investigationdiscovery.com/tv-shows/killing-richard-glossip/.
In fact, SkyNews journalist Ian Woods is releasing a book he has written on the
case - Glossip invited Woods to attend all 3 of his would-be execution dates
that have been postponed - that was released this week. It is titled "Surviving
Execution."
Christina Glossip-Hodge, Glossip's oldest daughter, said she the thought the TV
series was great and "it might open a lot of people's eyes."
She said she talked to her father the day after Christmas and he sounded really
good. Richard is also engaged, she said.
As far as the holding pattern with no execution date set, Glossip-Hodge said
this is "a better spot to be in than counting the days ... at least it's not 30
days, the last time we had 2 weeks. Good Lord. It was back to back trying to
kill that man. It feels good right now."
(source: The Register-Mail)
NEBRASKA:
Ricketts, others seek dismissal of ACLU lawsuit challenging death penalty
referendum
Attorneys for Gov. Pete Ricketts argued Friday in court that he simply
exercised his rights as a citizen when he participated in a referendum petition
that restored Nebraska's death penalty in 2016.
Lawyers for the ACLU of Nebraska countered that as the state's top executive,
the governor doesn't get to make law. But when he led and helped fund the
referendum petition drive to overturn the Legislature's death penalty repeal,
the governor made law in violation of the Constitution's separation of powers
clause.
Lancaster County District Judge John Colborn heard 50 minutes of legal debate
Friday from 6 different lawyers in a lawsuit that could strike down the 2016
death-penalty referendum vote.
The judge said he will consider the arguments along with written briefs before
he issues a ruling. He could dismiss the case, remove some of the defendants or
allow the lawsuit to proceed unchanged.
Lawyers for Ricketts, Attorney General Doug Peterson, Treasurer Don Stenberg
and several other defendants argued that the lawsuit should be dismissed now
before engaging in further litigation.
J.L. Spray, who represents Stenberg and the 3 citizens who sponsored the
pro-death penalty petition drive, said it would be a "ridiculous conclusion"
for the judge to say certain citizens could not participate in the process by
virtue of holding elected office.
"Just because you're a governor or state senator or a judge or an employee of
the state, you don't lay down your constitutional rights," Spray argued.
Bill Trac, a lawyer for the ACLU, said no one is arguing that elected officials
or judges can't vote in a ballot issue. But by organizing the petition drive,
Ricketts sought to defeat the death penalty repeal, something he could not
accomplish even with the veto power of his office.
"That's really the fundamental argument in this case," Trac said. "Had the
executive not acted, there might not have even been a referendum on the
ballot."
The lawsuit by the ACLU of Nebraska also argues that the Legislature's 2015
repeal took effect long enough to void the death sentences of the 11 men on
death row.
"Did this law go into effect and change our clients' sentences to life in
prison? We say yes," said Brian Stull, a lawyer with the ACLU.
Assistant Attorney General Ryan Post disagreed. He said once petition
organizers turned in sufficient signatures in the summer of 2015 to put the
question on the ballot, the law was suspended until the election on Nov. 8,
2016.
The lawsuit was filed in December in response to the state Department of
Corrections obtaining fresh supplies of lethal injection drugs. The department
said it intended to use the drugs in the execution of Jose Sandoval, the
ringleader of a botched bank robbery in 2002 in Norfolk that left 5 people
dead.
(source: Omaha World-Herald)
ARIZONA:
Man charged in Phoenix serial killings didn't attend hearing
A former city bus driver charged in a string of serial killings in Phoenix has
once again declined to attend a court hearing in his criminal case.
It was the 5th court hearing that Aaron Juan Saucedo has chosen not to attend.
The hearing Thursday centered on the qualifications of his attorneys.
They swore to a judge that they had the qualifications to defend Saucedo in a
death penalty case.
Their statements were a necessary formality after prosecutors said last month
that they intended to seek the death penalty against Saucedo.
Saucedo has pleaded not guilty to charges of 1st-degree murder, attempted
murder and drive-by shooting in attacks that killed 9 people and wounded 2
others during a nearly 1-year period that ended in July 2016.
(soruce: Associated Press)
USA:
Capital Punishment in the United States: Explained
In our Explainer series, Fair Punishment Project lawyers help unpackage some of
the most complicated issues in the criminal justice system. We break down the
problems behind the headlines - like bail, civil asset forfeiture, or the Brady
doctrine - so that everyone can understand them. Wherever possible, we try to
utilize the stories of those affected by the criminal justice system to show
how these laws and principles should work, and how they often fail. We will
update our Explainers monthly to keep them current.
To beat the clock on the expiration of its lethal injection drug supply, this
past April, Arkansas tried to execute 8 men over 1 days. The stories told in
frantic legal filings and clemency petitions revealed a deeply disturbing
picture. Ledell Lee may have had an intellectual disability that rendered him
constitutionally ineligible for the death penalty, but he had a spate of bad
lawyers who failed to timely present evidence of this claim - 2 of those
lawyers tried to withdraw from his case, 1 was drunk in court, 1 surrendered
his law license because of a mental illness. Kenneth Williams, the last man
executed in Arkansas, also might have had an intellectual disability, but bad
lawyering meant no one ever considered it. Arkansas also tried to kill Jack
Greene this November. Greene regularly stuffs his ears and nose with toilet
paper and thinks his lawyers are conspiring to destroy his "vital functioning
organs." He has asked the state to sever his head after his execution. Just 2
days before his scheduled execution, the Arkansas Supreme Court stayed the
execution so lawyers could litigate his competency.
In July of this year, Ohio executed Ronald Phillips, who was 19 when he
committed the crime that landed him on death row. According to Ronald's
attorneys, his father began anally raping when he was just 4 years old, and a
cousin raped him when he was 7. The family home was covered in dog feces. He
also was likely intellectually disabled. Again, because of bad trial lawyering,
no jury ever learned of this evidence.
Hours before Marcellus Williams's scheduled execution on August 22, Missouri
Governor Eric Greitens stayed his execution, worried Williams might be innocent
after testing showed that DNA found on a knife didn't match Williams's DNA
profile. Over the objections of both Saint Louis County Prosecutor Bob
Mcculloch and the Attorney General, the Governor appointed a board to examine
the case.
America's use of the death penalty is declining in rapid fashion. But even with
fewer cases, courts are not getting better at ensuring that only the most
culpable are sentenced to death, and the system is deeply broken. Below, we
explore the state of the death penalty in America today.
The Use of the Death Penalty Is Declining.
New death sentences have plummeted. In 2016, juries meted out only 30 new death
sentences - the lowest number since capital punishment's resurrection in 1972.
In 1996, there were 315; in 2006, there were 125; and in 2016, there were 31.
In Virginia, there have been no new death sentences in 5 years. In Texas, there
were 11 new death sentences in 2014, but only 2 in 2015, and 4 in 2016. In
Georgia, there have only been 3 new death sentences in the last 5 years.
This trend of overall capital punishment decline has stayed the path in 2017,
in which there were 39 new death sentences (the 2nd lowest number since 1972).
The data behind that number is also telling: responsibility for new death
sentences continued to lie within a handful of outlier jurisdictions, with 31%
of the sentences coming from 3 counties: Riverside, CA; Clark, NV; and
Maricopa, AZ. Further, for the 1st time since 1974, there were no death
sentences in 2017 in Harris County, TX. As 2017 draws to a close, Harris
County's new head prosecutor, Kim Ogg, appears to have kept her promise to
pursue the death penalty in only the most extreme cases, emphasizing changing
attitudes towards the death penalty and the importance of reframing the issues
to ensure the focus is not on "scalps on the wall." However, she acknowledges
that she cannot receive all the credit, attributing the record year to, among
other factors, better educated and more diverse jury pools. Ogg cites as the
reasons for her new approach, "The life without parole option, the immense cost
in a time of limited resources and the human toll of waiting decades for final
imposition of that sentence." As death penalty support drops among the public
and they in turn elect district attorneys who will focus resources elsewhere,
the usage of capital punishment will likely continue to slow. In an interview,
Frank Baumgartner, who has recently co-authored a book analyzing capital
punishment statistics, acknowledges district attorneys' death penalty choices
as the "key driver in the system" and points to this as the deciding factor in
explaining Harris County's past status as the nation's death penalty capital,
given the lack of other explanations: Houstonians' support for capital
punishment is actually lower than in the rest of Texas, and the crime rate in
Harris County is not unusually high.
Juries are rejecting prosecutor's requests to sentence people to death.
Prosecutors had not sought a death sentence in Dallas, a traditional death
penalty stronghold, since 2015. But this year, they tried and failed twice.
Jurors in the Justin Smith case indicated they were deadlocked on the penalty
decision, and Smith reached a plea agreement with the prosecutor sentencing him
to life in prison without parole. A month later, a jury declined to sentence
Erbie Bowser to death. A former military veteran and special-education teacher,
the government accused him of killing his girlfriend, her daughter, his
estranged wife, and her daughter. The defense argued that he was seriously
mentally ill and suffered from Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy (CTE). After 8
hours of deliberations, the jury signaled it was hopelessly deadlocked and he
received a life verdict.
In the notorious Aurora-movie shooting case, Colorado prosecutors sought the
death penalty against James Holmes, accusing him of shooting 12 people during a
screening of "The Dark Knight Rises." After a 65-day trial, the jury, after
deliberating for just 7 hours, deadlocked and Holmes received a life sentence.
The defense had argued Holmes suffered from a severe and debilitating mental
illness. Following the judge's deadlock and subsequent mandatory life sentence,
the judge addressed criticism about the waste of time and money involved in a
capital trial that yielded the same result as if the state had accepted a
guilty plea.
In Wake County, North Carolina, home of Raleigh, juries have declined to
sentence a defendant to death in 8 out of 8 cases over the last decade. After
the last life sentence, the elected prosecutor stated: "At some point, we have
to step back and say, 'Has the community sent us a message on that?'" North
Carolina overall is rejecting the death penalty: the state sentenced no one to
death in 2017, making it the 3rd year since 2012 that the state had no death
sentences. Only a single person has been sent to the state's death row in the
past 3 1/2 years, and most of the state's prosecutors are no longer seeking the
death penalty. The ones that are, are failing: juries failed to impose death
sentences in all 4 trials where North Carolina prosecutors sought the penalty
in 2017. In 3 of those trials, juries chose LWOP, and in a 4th, they convicted
of a lesser crime.
This decline in death sentences is the most revealing metric about society's
current tolerance for the death penalty. When asked to make real life of death
decisions about a real person in a real case, prosecutors increasingly don't
seek and jurors don't return death sentences.
Executions have plummeted. In 1999, the United States executed 98 people- the
most ever executed in this country. With few exceptions, that number has
steadily declined, with 35 executions in 2014, 28 in 2015, 20 in 2016, and 23
in 2017. The 23 executions in 2017 were the second fewest since 1991. Further,
courts stepped in and granted stays in 58 of the 81 executions scheduled for
2017 (71.6%), demonstrating continued concern about the integrity of death
sentences and executions.
31 states, the District of Columbia, the federal government, and the military
have turned away from executing people. 23 states and D.C. have either
abolished the death penalty or seen their governors impose moratoriums. 4 more
jurisdictions (New Hampshire, Kansas, Wyoming and the military) have executed 1
or fewer people in the last 50 years, and 6 other jurisdictions (the federal
government, Idaho, Kentucky, Montana, Nebraska, and South Dakota) each executed
3 people in the past half-century.
Governors are halting it. Governors in Oregon, Pennsylvania, Washington, and
Colorado have vowed not to allow an execution on their respective watches.
In 2013, Colorado Governor John Hickenlooper granted a temporary reprieve to
one of Colorado's 3 death row inmates - Nathan Dunlap. Hickenlooper called
Colorado's system of capital punishment "imperfect and inherently inequitable"
and called it "highly unlikely" that he would reconsider the death penalty for
Dunlap. In a published order, he wrote that "[i]t is a legitimate question
whether we as a state should be taking lives." Hickenlooper also noted that, in
Dunlap's case, 3 jurors later said they might not have supported the death
penalty if they knew Dunlap was bipolar.
Oregon Governor Kate Brown announced in 2016 she would continue the death
penalty moratorium imposed by her predecessor due to "serious concerns" about
the "constitutionality and workability" of Oregon's death penalty statute.
Prosecutors are declining to use the death penalty. Out of the 3,143 counties
in the U.S., only 16 sentenced 5 or more people to death between 2010 and 2015.
2% of counties nationwide now account for the majority of inmates on states'
death rows. Dissenting from the denial of certiorari in Tucker v. Louisiana,
Justices Breyer and Ginsburg noted geography as the arbitrary factor likely
behind the petitioner's Caddo Parish, Louisiana death sentence.
With the November 2017 election of Democrat Larry Krasner as Philadelphia's
next D.A., the city's criminal justice system will likely experience a sea
change. Krasner, a civil rights attorney, has promised not to seek the death
penalty. This is an extraordinary shift? - ?Lynn Abraham, long-time Philly
D.A., was labeled one of America's deadliest prosecutors. Similarly, in Denver,
Colorado, District Attorney Beth McCann promised that she will not seek the
death penalty.
In Harris County, Texas - traditionally the nation's death penalty capital -
there have been no new death sentences since Kim Ogg took office in January
2017. Moreover, Ogg has agreed to life-saving plea deals in at least 2
important cases, Buck v. Davis and now Moore v. Texas. Ogg found Buck's case on
her desk after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that he did not get a fair trial
because a defense expert testified that black men like Buck tended to be
dangerous. Moore's case landed on Ogg's desk after the U.S. Supreme Court found
the test Texas used for intellectual disability?- ?modeled after Lenny in "Of
Mice and Men" - was unconstitutional.
In Orlando, Florida, 9th Judicial Circuit State Attorney Aramis Ayala announced
in March 2017 that her office would no longer seek the death penalty. Governor
Rick Scott immediately removed all 29 cases from her supervision, placing them
with 5th Judicial Circuit State Attorney Brad King, "an outspoken proponent of
the death penalty." After losing a fight in the Florida Supreme Court over the
dissent of 2 justices, Ayala formed a 7-attorney panel to review murder cases
for capital charging decisions and announced in October 2017 that it will
pursue death against a woman accused of committing a murder in April.
Public Support for the Death Penalty Is Declining.
Recent polling has mirrored the decline in the death penalty's use, with
support among Americans dropping dramatically. It is at its lowest in 45 years,
with just 55% of Americans voicing support in the latest Gallup poll.
Even among Republican politicians, support for the death penalty has
significantly decreased over the past 7 years. In 2013, Republican lawmakers
sponsoring death penalty repeal bills doubled; the figure rose to 40 sponsors
by 2016.
In California, voters narrowly passed Proposition 66 to speed up the state's
use of the death penalty, with 51.13% voting in favor of it. But 46.85% voted
to repeal the death penalty altogether (Proposition 62), suggesting that the
tide may too be changing in that state. In Los Angeles, the county with the
largest number of death row inmates, 52.3% voted for the repeal.
In Nebraska, the 2016 referendum in which voters opted to repeal the
legislature's death penalty abolition bill is a source of controversy. Governor
Pete Ricketts is being sued by the ACLU of Nebraska, on behalf of the state's
death row inmates, for overstepping his executive office boundaries by donating
$425,000 and staff members to the organization Nebraskans for the Death
Penalty. According to the lawsuit, Ricketts provided the majority of total
funding for the petition drive to get the referendum on the ballot in its first
months.
The Death Penalty Is Broken.
Those who are executed are not the worst of the worst. The Supreme Court has
limited the use of the death penalty to the worst of the worst - those who are
the most culpable in our society. As the Supreme Court has said: "Because the
death penalty is the most severe punishment ... [c]apital punishment must be
limited to those offenders" whose "extreme culpability makes them the most
deserving of execution."
The Court has established bright line rules for groups that do not fall within
that category, and therefore cannot be executed. The Insane: In Ford v.
Wainwright (1986), the Court ruled that execution of the insane is cruel and
unusual. The Intellectually Disabled: In Atkins v. Virginia (2002), the Court
declared that the death penalty for intellectually disabled (ID) offenders is
cruel and unusual. Juveniles: In 2005, the Court said the same about the death
penalty for juveniles (defined as those under 18) in Roper v. Simmons. Because
kids have brains that are not fully developed, particularly in the frontal
lobe, they have impaired judgment that "render[s] suspect any conclusion that a
juvenile falls among the worst offenders."
And yet numerous cases arise where men may be intellectually disabled or
insane, but are nevertheless on death row.
Ledell Lee and Kenneth Williams were both executed by the state of Arkansas
despite unexplored intellectual disability claims.
Arkansas came close to killing Bruce Ward, who suffered from paranoid
schizophrenia and believed he would "survive the triple lethal injection and
walk out of the prison to fabulous wealth and public acclaim, then go on to
found an evangelical ministry that will spread God's love through the power of
his preaching." The Arkansas Supreme Court stayed the execution over the
state's objection.
It also nearly succeeded in its attempt to kill Jack Greene, another severely
mentally ill inmate who regularly stuffs his ears and nose with toilet paper,
intentionally causes his nose to bleed, eats out of his sink and uses his
toilet as his desk. The Arkansas Supreme Court granted Greene a stay of
execution so lawyers could litigate competency.
Other people on death row experience serious impairments that call into
question their extreme culpability.
Many argue - in court pleadings and in the media - ?that serious mental
illness, like intellectual disability or age, should also render people
ineligible for the death sentence. Several states, including Ohio, Indiana,
South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia, have or are considering
legislation proposing such a bright line rule. A 2014 poll showed that
Americans oppose executing the mentally ill by a 2-1 margin.
And yet death row is replete with those suffering from serious mental illness,
trauma, and other impairments. A study by Frank R. Baumgartner and Betsy Neil
found that those executed between 2000 and 2015 suffered from serious mental
illness at a far greater rate than those in the general population. And 39.7
experienced childhood abuse, compared to 1 in 10 kids in the U.S.
Ohio plans to execute 26 men over the next 3 years. 88% of these men have some
combination of significant mental impairments, disabilities, and brain
injuries, trauma resulting from horrific childhood abuse, or potential
intellectual disabilities.
David Sneed is 1 of the men Ohio plans to execute. He has "severe manic bipolar
disorder and a schizo-affective disorder involving hallucinations and
delusions." Doctors initially found him incompetent to stand trial until they
administered psychotropic drugs, after which he became a model prisoner. He
also has "borderline intellectual functioning." As a child, he suffered from
physical abuse and repeated sexual abuse by his foster family, by someone at
his elementary school, and by his mother's friend.
The Supreme Court has just cleared the way for the execution of Vernon Madison
in Alabama. Because of a stroke, parts of Madison's brain "have essentially
died." He is incontinent, has slurred speech, impaired vision, and cannot walk
without assistance. He has both dementia and amnesia, and does not remember the
crime for which he is sentenced to die.
The vast majority of those executed in 2017 suffered from some form of
impairment. 20 of the 23 men had one or more of the following impairments:
significant evidence of mental illness; evidence of brain injury, developmental
brain damage, or an IQ in the intellectually disabled range; serious childhood
trauma, neglect or abuse. All 8 of the men who were under 21 at the time of
their capital offenses had experienced serious trauma.
Prosecutors keep putting the innocent on death row. As of October 17, 2017, 160
people have been exonerated from the nation's death rows, and numerous
executions have taken place despite strong evidence of innocence. According to
one study, 1 out of every 25 people sentenced to death is innocent.
Prosecutors put Ray Krone on death row in 1992, accusing him of killing a
waitress. At trial, police used bitemark testimony to convict him. 10 years
later, DNA evidence exonerated Krone. Bitemark evidence is now a discredited
field that has caused over 2 dozen convictions, although some prosecutors
continue defending it, without any scientific support.
In 2017, prosecutors dismissed charges against Rodicrus Crawford, put on death
row in 2012, accused of killing his 1-year-old son. Autopsy results showed
bronchopneumonia in the baby's lungs and sepsis in the blood, but led by
notorious (and now disgraced) then-prosecutor Dale Cox, the government put on
testimony that Crawford suffocated his baby. Following his conviction, numerous
experts showed the child died of natural causes. During a subsequent hearing,
the Louisiana Supreme Court justices expressed disbelief that the state put
this man on death row: "[H]ow did the state come about that this was a
1st-degree murder case - on circumstantial evidence with a child that an
autopsy discovered to have had sepsis -and ask that this man be put to death on
weak circumstances? There's not even a motive."
Executions continue to take place in the face of grave innocence concerns.
Texas executed Robert Pruett in October 2017 despite no physical evidence
connecting him to the crime, and despite the presence of unidentified DNA on
the murder weapon that matched neither Pruett nor the victim.
Joe Giarratano was sent to Virginia's death row on the basis of his
inconsistent, conflicting confessions, despite a history of drug abuse and
mental illness that lawyers later argued had left him incompetent to stand
trial. His death sentence was commuted in 1991, 2 days before his scheduled
execution, and in November 2017, he was finally granted parole after 40 years
incarceration for a crime he has long claimed he did not commit.
Race plays a role in the imposition of the death penalty. In 1983, David Baldus
found that defendants accused of killing white victims were 4.3 more likely to
receive a death sentence than those accused of killing a black person. That
trend remains true: A recent Pennsylvania report found that death sentences are
more common when the victim is white and less common when the victim is black.
Race of the defendant featured prominently in 2 capital punishment cases that
made headlines in 2017. The Supreme Court reversed Duane Buck's death sentence
because an expert testified Buck would be dangerous because he is black.
Georgia fought hard to execute Keith Tharpe notwithstanding a juror's
racially-slurred admission that he voted for death because Tharpe is black. The
Supreme Court granted a last-minute stay of execution in the case.
And It is Largely in Chaos Because of Unconstitutional Laws.
Florida currently has 386 people on its death row, and now it must decide what
to do with many of those cases after courts upended its sentencing scheme. In
2016, in Hurst v. Florida, the Supreme Court struck down Florida's death
penalty statute, which made a jury's decision of life-or-death only a
recommendation and allowed a judge to override it. In October of the same year,
the Florida Supreme Court found that the state's revamped law, which did not
require unanimous jury verdicts, was unconstitutional.
That left prosecutors and courts with the task of deciding what do with about
285 cases - nearly 75% of the death row population. But whether you get relief
depends largely on a date - the unanimity jury requirement is retroactive only
to 2002. As a result, in October of 2017, the state executed Mark Lambrix, even
though the jury in his 1st trial voted only 8-4 in favor of death, and then in
the 2nd 10-2.
Will Alabama be next? Alabama does not require unanimous death verdicts, and it
is possible that soon, the state will be in the same place as Florida. Alabama
already took major action to bring its capital punishment scheme into
constitutional compliance, passing a bill eliminating judicial override in
2017.
In March of 2017, the Supreme Court declared Texas' scheme for evaluating
intellectual disability unconstitutional in Moore v. Texas. That test, which
was based on Steinbeck's character Lenny in "Of Mice and Men," lacked any basis
in science and medical standards. Now, Texas must develop a new standard and
reconsider any cases where courts used the improper standards. Prosecutors have
asked the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals (TCCA), the highest criminal court,
to give Moore a life sentence, as he is intellectually disabled when evaluated
according to current medical standards. The case has stoked public opinion
hopeful that the court will agree. The TCCA has also vacated Carl Petetan's
death sentence and ordered the trial court to conduct a new sentencing hearing
to evaluate an intellectual disability claim after Moore.
In August of 2017, Fayette County Circuit Judge Ernesto Scorsone ruled that
applying the death penalty to a defendant under 21 years of age was
unconstitutional. If this takes, a huge number of cases could be affected.
Lethal Injection May Be Torturing People.
In execution after execution, people are awake as their lungs shut down.Most
states use a 3-judge cocktail to execute people. The 1st drug, historically an
anesthetic, renders you unconscious, the second drug, pancuronium bromide,
stops breath and acts as a paralytic, and the third drug, potassium chloride,
stops your heart from beating. But lawyers and experts have argued that this is
not fail-safe, and, although the Supreme Court has rejected challenges,
evidence shows they are right.
Most states use midazolam for the anesthetic to put people to sleep. It is
unclear if midazolam reliably causes unconsciousness; once the 2nd drug is
administered, "the prisoners will be paralyzed, unable to move a muscle, unable
to indicate in any way if they are experiencing the suffocating effects of the
paralytic and the searing pain of the potassium chloride."
Oklahoma infamously botched Clayton Lockett's 2014 execution; he died 43
minutes after administration of a 3-drug cocktail of midazolam, bromide and
potassium chloride. He raised and jerked his head, repeatedly tried to speak,
groaned and writhed. The state then imposed a moratorium on executions and
convened a commission to investigate; in April 217, the commission recommended
extending the moratorium until "significant reforms" are instituted.
In December of 2016 in Alabama, Ronald Bert Smith, Jr. struggled for breath,
heaved, coughed, clenched his fist, raised his head, and opened his left eye
during his execution. His lips also moved, but he could not speak.
In Arkansas in 2017, Marcel Williams arched his back and breathed heavily
during his execution. Reporters witnessing Kenneth Williams's execution
described him "[c]oughing, convulsing, lurching, and jerking." "It was clear
that he was in trouble." "It was clear that he was striving for breath."
States are also experimenting with new drug-combinations - and they are not
faring better.
In Ohio, executions had been on hold since Dennis McGuire's botched 2014
execution, using a 2-drug combination that included midazolam. That has ended,
and the state is using midazolam, rocuronium bromide and potassium chloride.
But during Gary Otte's September 2017 execution, according to his lawyer, Otte
appeared to be in pain after the administration of midazolam and looked like he
was struggling for air. His lawyer also noted that Otte was crying. Ohio
encountered further controversy when it had to call off its November 2017
execution of 69-year-old Alva Campbell after 30 minutes of struggling to find a
vein. Campbell's lawyers had warned that an exam failed to find veins suitable
for IV insertion in arguments that Campbell was too ill to execute. Regardless,
Ohio Attorney General Mike DeWine filed a motion in federal court 5 days later
seeking the dismissal of a suit filed by death-row inmates who contend that the
way the state conducts executions violates their constitutional protections.
Nevada is trying to use a brand new drug combination: the opioid fentanyl, the
sedative diazepam (better known as Valium), and a paralytic, cisatracurium, to
execute Scott Dozier. But while the state had scheduled the execution for
November 14, 2017, that execution is now stayed after the judge forbid the
state from using the paralytic. After hearing expert testimony, the judge
believed that if the other 1 drugs were not administered properly, the
paralytic could prevent Dozier from showing signs of distress while
suffocating. The state has said it will appeal. On December 19, the judge
announced she will not hear further arguments in the case, and will await
Nevada Supreme Court review of her decision.
A few Justices are troubled by these botched executions - but just a few. In
dissenting opinions, Supreme Court Justices have strongly condemned the
torturous effects of lethal injection. Dissenting from the Supreme Court's
refusal to intervene in Alabama's execution of Thomas Arthur earlier this year,
Justice Sotomayor, joined by Justice Breyer, called midazolam-centered
execution protocols "our most cruel experiment yet." She wrote an equally
powerful dissent in Glossip v. Gross, joined by Justices Ginsburg, Breyer and
Kagan.
So are companies. Drug companies across the world are trying to keep states
from using their product in executions; Pfizer is one famous example. Johnson &
Johnson is another.
Amidst this controversy, states are trying to keep their drugs and suppliers
secret. In Arkansas in August 2017, the state paid $250 cash for 4 vials of
midazolam from an unknown source, enough for 2 executions. Controversy also
brewed after the Arkansas Department of Corrections Director revealed that 1 of
the drugs used - potassium chloride - was "donated" to her after she drove her
car to pick it up from an unnamed supplier.
Conditions of Confinement on Death Row Are Cruel and Unusual.
The majority of death row inmates are held in solitary confinement. Of the
2,802 state prisoners currently condemned to death, 61% are isolated for 20
hours or more a day. In Texas, death row inmates spend up to 23 hours a day
alone in an 8 x 12-foot cell with virtually no human contact or exposure to
natural light. For 14 years in Arkansas, Bruce Ward, suffering from
schizophrenia, was held every day in a 12 by 7.5 cell with a toilet and shower.
Guards passed his meals in through a slot. He was permitted 1 hour a day in
another enclosed "exercise" cell, although for a decade he refused to go there.
These conditions have devastating psychological effect. Inmates have recounted
the insanity-inducing conditions they are forced to endure. The isolation and
sensory deprivation leads inmates to lose their minds entirely: they suffer
from delusions and hallucinations, mutilate themselves, and experience
psychotic episodes in which they attempt suicide or smear the walls of their
cells with their blood and excretions. The suicide rate in solitary is 5 to 10
times higher than it is in the general prison population.
Extended time on death row may amount to cruel and unusual punishment. Known as
a "Lackey" claim, inmates argue that the extensive confinement in solitary on
death row amounts to cruel and unusual punishment. Although the Supreme Court
has rejected this claim, recently Justice Breyer has signaled a commitment to
it, lodging a number of dissents from denials of certiorari. Of the inordinate
delay at issue in Foster v. Florida, he wrote: "[27] years awaiting execution
is unusual by any standard, even that of current practice in the United States,
where the average executed prisoner spends between 11 and 12 years under
sentence of death."
The Fallacy of Clemency.
Clemency is almost never granted. Some believe clemency is the "fail-safe"
method to make sure we do not execute the innocent, the insane, or those who
have not received a fair trial. The late Supreme Court Chief Justice William
Rehnquist wrote that it was necessary because "[i]t is an unalterable fact that
our judicial system, like the human beings who administer it, is fallible." But
in reality, it is almost never used, and it is sometimes not even controlled by
an elected official accountable to the people.
In Texas, for example, the politically appointed Texas Board of Pardons and
Parole must recommend parole before the governor can grant it. The board is not
required to hold a hearing on the clemency petition, and during the 6 years
where George W. Bush was governor, not a single one of the 152 people executed
received one. Since 2001, the state has executed 285 people while the board has
recommended clemency just 4 times. Idaho, Louisiana, and Nevada operate
similarly. Georgia keeps its clemency proceedings secret - it's impossible,
therefore, to know why they make decisions.
In Florida, there has not been a commutation since 1983. The state has put 95
people to death since 1979, and only 6 were commuted - in 4 of those, juries
had voted to spare their lives but a judge overrode that decision.
Is It Coming to an End?
In Hidalgo v. Arizona, a petition for certiorari currently before the Supreme
Court, an Arizona inmate asked the Court to strike down the death penalty in
both Arizona and across the country. The petitioner argued that under Arizona's
capital scheme, almost all 1st-degree murderers are eligible for the death
penalty - 99 %, in fact, showing that it is not reserved for only "the worst of
the worst," as the Constitution requires.
Attorneys also argued that evolving standards of decency have shown that the
40-year experiment with death has failed. "The evidence is in. The long
experiment launched by Gregg - in whether the death penalty can be administered
within constitutional bounds - has failed. It has failed both in Arizona in
particular and in the Nation more broadly."
(source: injusticetoday.com)
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