[Deathpenalty] death penalty news----MO., NEB., COLO., CALIF., USA

[Rick Halperin]

March 27



MISSOURI:

May 2019 trial date set in 2016 Hannibal shooting death



A 2019 trial date was set Monday for the Hannibal man charged in the January 
2016 shooting death of a Hannibal woman and the shooting of her husband.

Court records show that Timothy M. Brokes is set to go to trial starting May 7, 
2019, which is expected to last 10 days. The jury will be brought in from 
Franklin County.

If Brokes is convicted, Marion County Prosecuting Attorney David Clayton said 
he will seek the death penalty.

Brokes, 36, has pleaded not guilty to charges of first-degree murder and armed 
criminal action in the Jan. 12, 2016, shooting death of 30-year-old Brittany S. 
Gauch and to 1st-degree assault and armed criminal action in the shooting of 
her husband, Aaron M. Gauch, the same day.

A ruling was not made regarding whether recorded statements Brokes made to 
police in the Marion County Jail after his arrest are admissible in court. His 
attorneys, Assistant Public Defenders David Kenyon and Charles Hoskins, argue 
that the statements, which included a private conversation Brokes had with his 
attorney, should not be admitted during the trial.

During a January hearing, Judge Rachel Bringer Shepherd said she would wait for 
a Missouri Supreme Court ruling on a similar case. SClBAlso Monday, Brokes' 
attorneys argued to suppress evidence collected during the search of 1104 
Summer St. in Hannibal, where Brittany Gauch was fatally shot, and the Bel-Air 
Motel in Monroe City, where Brokes allegedly stayed after the 
shootings.SClBPolice reportedly found bullet fragments, cellphones and other 
items in Hannibal, and a gun was recovered from the hotel.SClBClayton argued 
that Brokes' rights were not violated during the search.

Brokes is set to go to trial starting June 12 in Monroe County, where he faces 
charges of assault on a law enforcement officer, armed criminal action and 
hindering prosecution of a felony. A pretrial hearing in that case is set for 
May 15.

Brokes is being held in the Marion County Jail.

(source: The Herald-Whig)








NEBRASKA:

ACLU of Nebraska files new challenge to state's death penalty



The ACLU of Nebraska has filed a new legal challenge to the state's death 
penalty, claiming that the state adopted a flawed execution protocol without 
adequate public review in 2017.

The civil rights organization, which had a recent challenge to capital 
punishment dismissed, filed a new lawsuit Monday in Lancaster County District 
Court.

The lawsuit asked the court to block any pending executions until the state 
enacts a protocol that is in compliance with the state's Administrative 
Procedures Act, and has proper public input and review.

"The (Nebraska Department of Correctional Services) promulgated this very 
important protocol, upon which lives literally depend, on a single try and 
without making any drafts or working copies at all, and without consulting any 
public or private experts," the lawsuit states.

The new challenge comes as Nebraska is preparing for its 1st executions in more 
than 2 decades.

2 convicted murderers, Jose Sandoval and Carey Dean Moore, have been informed 
in recent months of the state's intention to seek execution dates for them.

That has prompted new challenges by the ACLU of the state's lethal injection 
protocol and of its procurement of new drugs needed to carry out executions.

The organization recently lost a lawsuit questioning the 2016 voter referendum 
that reinstated capital punishment. But two weeks ago, it asked the federal 
Drug Enforcement Administration to formally investigate how the state recently 
obtained a new supply of 4 execution drugs.

The new lawsuit on Monday was filed on behalf of State Sen. Ernie Chambers of 
Omaha, a leading opponent of the death penalty, and the Rev. Stephen Griffith, 
who said he was prevented from participating in the rule-making process in 2017 
that led to the execution protocol.

In January 2017, the state adopted a new lethal injection protocol designed to 
give the state corrections director wide latitude to choose the type and source 
of drugs being used and to keep that information confidential. 20 people 
testified at a public hearing over the change on Dec. 30, 2016.

(source: Omaha World-Herald)








COLORADO:

3 Ways to Kill the Death Penalty in Colorado



The Colorado Supreme Court recently upheld a lower court's decision to reverse 
David Bueno's first-degree-murder conviction because evidence that might have 
helped him was withheld in his death-penalty case. Michael Radelet, a 
University of Colorado Boulder sociology professor and author of The History of 
the Death Penalty in Colorado, the definitive work on its subject, sees the 
Bueno case as a particularly compelling argument in favor of ending capital 
punishment in the state once and for all, and he sees multiple possibilities 
for how it might finally happen.

"There are 3 scenarios," says Radelet, who also teaches a class about the death 
penalty at CU Boulder. "One of them is a constitutional challenge. Another one 
is legislative. And the 3rd has to do with the governor," John Hickenlooper.

As Radelet points out, death penalties in Colorado weren't always as rare as 
they are today: "There were 102 executions here between 1859 and 1967, and only 
1 since then - Gary Davis," who essentially volunteered for the job, according 
to our Alan Prendergast. In 1997, Davis, who was convicted of kidnapping, rape 
and sexual assault 1 years earlier, made it known that he preferred to die by 
lethal injection rather than spend his life in prison, leading to what 
death-penalty opponent Sister Helen Prejean has called a "consensual 
execution."

Prior to Davis, the last death row prisoner to be killed in Colorado was Luis 
Monge, whose 1967 death proved nationally significant. "After Monge was 
executed, there were no more executions in the United States for ten years," 
Radelet reveals. "The U.S. Supreme Court abolished the death penalty in 1972, 
and all of those on death row had their sentence commuted to life. Then the 
states enacted new death-penalty laws that were approved in 1976, and the 1st 
execution in the modern era was Gary Gilmore in 1977. He had dropped his 
appeals and asked to be executed, and the State of Utah was more than happy to 
grant his wish."

At present, Radelet goes on, "the death penalty is legal in 31 states, but 
there have been a number of states that have abolished it in recent years, 
including Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, New Mexico, Illinois, 
Connecticut, Maryland and Delaware. And the Nebraska legislature also voted to 
abolish it, and overrode the veto of the governor there, Pete Ricketts. But the 
Ricketts family is loaded, and the family donated hundreds of thousands of 
dollars to fund a death-penalty referendum in 2016, and the voters reinstated 
it."

In addition, four states currently have a moratorium on capital punishment: 
Oregon, Washington, Pennsylvania and, effectively, Colorado, in the wake of 
Governor Hickenlooper granting a reprieve but not clemency to Chuck E. Cheese 
killer Nathan Dunlap in 2013.

To Radelet, the seeds for Hickenlooper's decision were sown in 1989, "when 
Colorado passed life without the possibility of parole. That provided a good 
alternative to the death penalty, because it kept the communities safe and 
punished people very severely. The costs of death-penalty cases have also gone 
up a great deal. But something that hasn't gotten a lot of attention is that, 
since 1976, the number of executions has gone up as the number of homicides 
solved by an arrest has gone down. In 1960, the national average was 90 % 
solved. That was down to 78 % solved in 1976, and now it's gone down to 62 %. 
So nearly 4 out of 10 homicides aren't solved - and in 2009, that led to an 
attempt in Colorado by the Families of Homicide Victims and Missing Persons to 
abolish the death penalty. But it fell one vote short."

During the past 10 years, only 2 people have been sentenced to death in 
Colorado: Sir Mario Owens in 2008 and Robert Ray in 2010, both for the 2005 
murders of Javad Marshall-Fields and his fiancee, Vivan Wolfe. And while 2 
death-penalty cases are currently pending (against Miguel Contreras-Perez and 
Brandon Johnson), Radelet notes that 7 other cases over recent years in which 
capital punishment was sought ended with juries opting for non-death-penalty 
verdicts for defendants, including Aurora theater shooter James Holmes and 
Fero's bar killer Dexter Lewis.

How to prevent more death-penalty prosecutions? Radelet says that attorney 
David Lane, a longtime death-penalty opponent who handled the Bueno case and is 
also defending Contreras-Perez, "has been granted permission for an evidentiary 
hearing on the Colorado death penalty" in the latter case. If Lane prevails at 
a hearing likely to take place later this year, capital punishment in the state 
could be found unconstitutional, setting into motion a series of events capable 
of dooming the statute.

Additionally, Radelet goes on, "the legislature can do it - and politics being 
what they are, it's at least conceivable that they might," especially if 
Representative Rhonda Fields, Javad Marshall-Fields's mother, has a change of 
heart in regard to the subject. "She's incredibly smart and very articulate, 
but very supportive of the death penalty. If she came out tomorrow and decided 
that more than enough time and money had been spent on the cases of Owens and 
Ray, the death penalty in Colorado would be abolished. But even though she's 
made some critical statements, she hasn't come out in support of an abolition 
bill" of the sort sponsored by state senator Lucia Guzman last year; it didn't 
get very far.

The 3rd possibility, as Radelet sees it, would involve Hickenlooper commuting 
the sentences of Dunlap, Ray and Owens. "That's not abolition," he 
acknowledges, "but it just throws a huge wrench into the whole deal and makes 
everybody calm down and reassess everything, so they can think about whether 
we're getting bang for our buck. Hickenlooper has a tremendous amount of power 
on this, and who knows what he's thinking."

Meanwhile, Radelet adds, "Beth McCann, the district attorney in Denver, has 
announced that she will no longer seek the death penalty. So the Fero's bar 
case will be the last death-penalty case in Denver, at least until somebody 
else takes over that office. And Beth McCann is wildly popular; her decision 
about the death penalty hasn't had any impact on her public approval."

For that reason, Radelet believes that opposing capital punishment in Colorado 
can no longer be characterized as a political death sentence. But it's unclear 
how many politicians agree. At this writing, no legislation to abolish 
executions in Colorado has been proposed in 2018.

(source: Michael Roberts, Denver Westword )








CALIFORNIA:

'He is pure evil.' Prosecutors seek death for cop killer Bracamontes



With his life on the line, convicted cop killer Luis Bracamontes made another 
unconventional decision Monday: he opted not to attend the last day of a trial 
that will determine whether he gets the death penalty.

"He is not asking to be present, and we believe it is not in his best interest 
to be here," public defender defender Norm Dawson told Sacramento Superior 
Court Judge Steve White Monday morning as closing arguments began.

The decision meant Bracamontes, who has been removed from court repeatedly for 
profane outbursts, missed the prosecution detailing in graphic fashion the 
damage the defendant caused during the Oct. 24, 2014, crime spree that killed 2 
Sacramento-area deputies, Danny Oliver and Michael Davis Jr.

"We are all here this morning because Danny Oliver is not," Tellman told the 
jury of 6 men and 6 women as he methodically laid out the reasons for them to 
agree that Bracamontes deserves death rather than life in prison.

Tellman displayed family photos on two large screens in the courtroom of 
Oliver, a Sacramento sheriff's deputy, and Davis, a Placer County detective, 
and detailed the losses both families have endured. And he played a video shot 
at the Arden Way Motel 6 that showed the lifeless body of Oliver face up on the 
asphalt parking lot with a huge pool of blood from the shot to the forehead 
that Bracamontes fired at point-blank range to kill him.

"What is the fair punishment for a man who can do this?" Tellman asked. "What 
would be a fair and fitting punishment for someone who can reap such harm on 
these people, these families and these communities...?

"The only just verdict in this case is death."

Tellman urged the jurors to ignore the tearful testimony earlier in the month 
from Bracamontes' family members, reminding them that the relatives hadn't seen 
Bracamontes in years while jurors have seen him up close as he hurled threats 
at witnesses, officers, the judge and even the jury.

"They don't know Luis like you know Luis," Tellman said, adding that jurors 
should reject the defense that Bracamontes is mentally ill and endured an 
abusive childhood.

"It's not mental illness at all, it's who he is...," Tellman said. "He is who 
he is, and he's pure evil."

After more than 2 hours of argument from the prosecution, Tellman made a simple 
request: "I ask you to show the defendant as much compassion, sympathy and 
mercy as he showed Danny," Tellman said. "Show him as much compassion, sympathy 
and mercy as he showed Mike."

Public defender Norm Dawson took over and began his closing with 1 goal: 
convince at least 1 juror that Bracamontes deserves something of a break and 
should get life in prison.

As he has before, Dawson made clear that he and co-counsel Jeffrey Barbour 
aren't excusing what Bracamontes did.

"We're not here to make excuses or justifications for Luis' actions, we can't 
do that, we wouldn't," Dawson said. "Even his family and his friends found what 
he did unfathomable."

But Dawson appealed to jurors to consider Bracamontes' difficult upbringing in 
a scrub desert village in Sinaloa, Mexico, where the family had no running 
water or latrine and whose father was a raging alcoholic.

He also repeated his argument that Bracamontes is mentally ill and could be 
helped in prison with the proper medication.

"You do not have to choose death," Dawson told the jurors.

The defense arguments are expected to continue until mid-afternoon, at which 
point the case will go to the jury, the same panel that found him guilty on all 
counts - including 2 of murder - in February. It is also the same panel he 
threatened in court, including 1 instance where he hurled the "N-word" at an 
African American juror, an incident Tellman reminded them of Monday.

Bracamontes' wife, Janelle Monroy, was sentenced Friday by White to sentences 
that may keep her imprisoned for the rest of her life.

Monroy, 41, was convicted of murder in the Davis slaying and other crimes 
committed during the rampage despite the fact that she never fired a shot. 
Prosecutors had argued that she was as culpable as her husband and had helped 
move his AR-15 rifle - the weapon that killed Davis - from vehicle to vehicle 
as he carjacked his way from Sacramento to Auburn.

(source: sacbee.com)








USA:

Poll: Americans Oppose Death Penalty Abolition 2 to 1----Majority opposes death 
penalty for drug dealers



Voters oppose abolishing the death penalty 64 to 31 %, according to a recently 
released poll of American voters from Quinnipiac University.

A slightly smaller proportion, 58 %, supported the death penalty "for persons 
convicted of murder," while 33 % are opposed it and nine percent are undecided. 
This proportion is slightly higher than that most recently reported by Gallup, 
which found 55 % support for the death penalty for murder in its October 2017 
poll. That rate is the lowest number Gallup has found since the death penalty 
was re-legalized nationwide in 1976.

51 % of Americans would opt for punishing with life without parole (LWOP) over 
the death penalty, Quinnipiac found in its survey, the 1st time a majority had 
opted for LWOP over death since the polling group began asking the question in 
2004.

"It's a mixed message on a question that has moral and religious implications. 
Voters are perhaps saying, 'Keep the death penalty, but just don't use it," 
said Tim Malloy, assistant director of the Quinnipiac University Poll.

Majorities of Republicans (84 %) and independents (64 %) oppose death penalty 
abolition; 46 % of Democrats oppose, while 47 % support, abolition. Opposition 
to abolition persists across ethnicities, with 66 % of white Americans, 56 % of 
black Americans, and 60 % of Hispanic Americans opposing. 72 % of men oppose 
abolition, as opposed to 57 % of women.

In preferences about capital punishment versus LWOP, Republicans are the only 
group by party affiliation to prefer the death penalty - 59 %, as compared to 
19 % of Democrats and 37 % of independents. 40 % of white Americans prefer the 
death penalty, as compared to 23 % of black Americans and 34 % of Hispanic 
Americans.

The results support the Supreme Court's decision last week to not hear a case 
seeking to judicially abolish the death penalty nationwide. That case claimed 
capital punishment was contrary to "contemporary standards of decency," 
therefore violating certain tests generally applied to the Eight Amendment's 
prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment.

Notably, majorities of American voters oppose imposing the death penalty for 
those convicted of selling drugs that lead to a lethal overdose. 71 % oppose 
the practice, including 57 % of Republicans; 75 % of voters said that they 
believed the death penalty would not stop America's opioid crisis.

This may be concerning news for the Trump administration, which has backed 
seeking the death penalty for certain drug dealers under preexisting federal 
law. A group of Republican senators has called for harsher sentences for 
traffickers in fentanyl, with several publicly considering federal death 
penalty statutes to make capital punishment an option in more drug-related 
crimes.

(source: Washington Free Beacon)

**************

National Coalition Letter to President Trump Rejecting Death Penalty and 
Increased Penalties for Drug Offenses



President Donald J. Trump

The White House

1600 Pennsylvania Ave., NW

Washington, DC 20500

March 26, 2018

Re: National coalition rejects death penalty and increased penalties for drug 
offenses

Dear President Trump:

The United States must effectively confront the devastation resulting from 
substance use disorders. The skyrocketing increase in overdose deaths - 
totaling 64,000 in 2016 alone -is a national tragedy that requires substantial 
resources from the federal government as well as state and local public health 
officials to address. Given these circumstances, the 62 undersigned faith, 
civil rights, treatment and legal organizations are deeply troubled by the 
punitive elements of your administration's proposal regarding the nation's drug 
problems - including increasing already harsh sentences for drug offenses and 
employing the death penalty. We unequivocally condemn accelerating the use of 
the death penalty and urge your administration to support proven public health 
strategies to end the opioid crisis, reduce problematic drug use and save 
lives.

As criminologists and many policymakers have documented, ratcheting up already 
tough sentences for people with drug convictions will produce little public 
safety benefit while carrying heavy fiscal, social, and human costs. Many 
people entering the criminal justice system are in the lower- and middle-levels 
of a drug operation. Incarcerating these individuals often results in their 
being replaced by other sellers willing to fill their roles, and does nothing 
to address the substance use disorders that users, and many sellers themselves, 
struggle with. Increasing already severe prison terms has a limited deterrent 
effect because most people do not expect to be apprehended for a crime, are not 
familiar with relevant legal penalties, or criminally offend with their 
judgment compromised by substance use or mental health problems.[1]

Current federal mandatory minimum sentences, which apply to many drug offenses, 
are considered among the harshest in the country. Nearly 1/2 of the Bureau of 
Prisons population is comprised of people convicted of drug offenses. African 
Americans and Latinos comprise 76% of this population[2] even though all racial 
and ethnic groups engage in illicit drug activities at similar rates.[3] As of 
2012 people serving a federal prison term for a drug offense were serving an 
average of 11.3 years.[4] Almost 1/2 (49%) of the 3,861 individuals serving a 
federal life-without-parole sentence in 2016 are incarcerated for a drug 
offense.[5]

Concerns about these harsh federal sentences have led to broad bipartisan 
consensus in support of criminal justice reform. Indeed, Senate Judiciary 
Chairman Chuck Grassley advanced his bipartisan Sentencing Reform and 
Corrections Act through committee on a 16-5 vote in February. The bill would 
give federal judges discretion in sentencing people below a mandatory minimum 
sentence for low-level drug cases and curb outsized sentences.

According to a 2017 report from the National Research Council, "Lack of 
economic opportunity, poor working conditions, and eroded social capital in 
depressed communities, accompanied by hopelessness and despair," have been the 
underlying structural determinants of substance use disorders.[6] Moreover, 
limited access to drug treatment and medically assisted treatments in 
particular has undermined the opioid response. One study found that just 21.5% 
of people with opioid use disorder received any treatment between 2009 and 2013 
- including non-professional treatment such as self-help groups.[7] Surveys 
reveal that 1/3 of people with substance use disorder did not seek out 
professional treatment because they lacked health care coverage or could not 
afford the cost.[8]

To address these needs we endorse investments in communities to expand 
educational and vocational opportunities, and to ensure access to 
community-based drug treatment programs, medical care and mental health 
services. We reject the punitive and overly simplistic approach of the War on 
Drugs that has contributed to the United States' world record levels of 
incarceration, and has fractured families and communities in the process. We 
ask for your support in advancing a more humane and evidenced-based approach to 
ending the opioid crisis.

If you have questions, please contact Kara Gotsch, Director of Strategic 
Initiatives at The Sentencing Project at (202) 628-0871 or 
kgotsch at sentencingproject.org or Jesselyn McCurdy, Deputy Director of the 
American Civil Liberties Union Washington Legislative Office at (202)675-2307 
or jmccurdy at aclu.org.

Sincerely,

African American Ministers In Action

Akeela, Inc.

American Civil Liberties Union

American Friends Service Committee

Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law

Buried Alive Project

CANDO Foundation

Church of Scientology National Affairs Office

Congregation of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd, US Provinces

The Constitution Project at POGO

Criminal Justice Policy Foundation

CURE (Citizens United for Rehabilitation of Errants)

Daytop New Jersey

Defending Rights & Dissent

Drug Policy Alliance

The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America

Exodus Foundation.org

Faith Action Network

Families Against Mandatory Minimums

FedCURE

Franciscan Action Network

Friends Committee on National Legislation

Harm Reduction Coalition

Human Rights Watch

Islamic Society of North America

Jewish Council for Public Affairs

Justice Programs Office at American University

Justice Strategies

Latin America Working Group

Law Enforcement Action Partnership

Legal Action Center

Life for Pot

National Advocacy Center of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd

NAACP

National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers

National Association of Social Workers

National Center for Lesbian Rights

National Center for Transgender Equality

National Council of Churches

National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers Guild

National LGBTQ Task Force

NETWORK Lobby for Catholic Social Justice

NORML

Office of Social Justice, Christian Reformed Church in North America

Ohio Justice & Policy Center

Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.)

Queeri

Safer FoundationCc: Secretary Alex Azar, Attorney General Jeff Sessions, 
Speaker Paul Ryan, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, Senate Majority Leader 
Mitch McConnell, Senate Minority Leader Charles Schumer, U.S. House and Senate 
Judiciary Committees

[1] Lynch, J., Heimer, K., Peterson, R.D., Miller, J., DeJong, C., Armstrong, 
G., Zhang, S.X. (2017). Statement of the American Society of Criminology 
Executive Board Concerning the Trump Administration's Policies Relevant to 
Crime and Justice. American Society of Criminology.

http://www.asc41.com/policies/ASC_Executive_Board_Statement_on_Trump_Administration_Crime_and_Justice_Policies.pdf. 
See also: Lee, M., Durbin, R., Paul, R. & Booker, C. (2017). Letter to the 
Attorney General on DOJ Charging and Sentencing Policy. 
https://www.scribd.com/document/350652153/6-7-17-Letter-to-the-Attorney-...

[2] Carson, E. (2018). Prisoners in 2016. Bureau of Justice Statistics. 
Available at: https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/p16.pdf

[3] Johnston, L. D., O'Malley, P. M., Bachman, J. G., & Schulenberg, J. E. 
(2012). Monitoring the Future: National Survey Results on Drug Use, 1975- 2012. 
Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Institute for Social Research. 
Available at: 
http://www.monitoringthefuture.org/pubs/monographs/mtf-vol1_2012.pdf (Tbls. 
4-5, 4-6, and 4-7); Beckett, K., Nyrop, K., & Pfingst, L. (2006). Race, Drugs, 
and Policing: Understanding Disparities in Drug Delivery Arrests. Criminology, 
44(1), 105-37 (pp. 16-7); Riley, K. J. (1997). Crack, Powder Cocaine, and 
Heroin: Drug Purchase and Use Patterns in 6 Major U.S. Cities. National 
Institute of Justice. Available at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles/167265.pdf 
(pp. 15-16).

[4] In 2016, the average prison sentence imposed on those entering federal 
prisons for a drug offense - in contrast to the average sentence being served 
by those already there - was 5.6 years. Taxy, S., Samuels, J., & Adams, W. 
(2015). Offenders in Federal Prison: Estimates of Characteristics Based on 
Linked Data. United States Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. 
https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/dofp12. Pdf; United States Sentencing 
Commission (2017). 2016 Sourcebook of Federal Sentencing Statistics. Figure E: 
Length of Imprisonment in Each General Crime Category, Fiscal Years 2012-2016. 
http://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/

annual-reports-and-sourcebooks/2016/FigureE.pdf

[5] Nellis, A. (2017). Still Life: America's Increasing Use of Life and 
Long-Term Sentences. The Sentencing Project. 
http://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Still-Life.pdf

[6] Bonnie, R., Ford, M., & Phillips, J. (Eds.). (2017). Pain Management and 
the Opioid Epidemic: Balancing Societal and Individual Benefits and Risks of 
Prescription Opioid Use. Washington, DC: The National Academies, Pg. 41. 
Retrieved from 
https://www.nap.edu/catalog/24781/painmanagement-and-the-opioid-epidemic....

[7] Saloner, B. & Karthikeyan, S. (2015). Changes in Substance Abuse Treatment 
Use Among Individuals With Opioid Use Disorders in the United States, 
2004-2013. The JAMA Network, 314(14), Pgs. 1515-1517.

[8] Hughes, A., William, M. R., Lipari, R. N., Bose, J., Copello, E.A.P., & 
Kroutil, L.A. (September 2016). Prescription Drug Use and Misuse in the United 
States: Results from the 2015 National Survey on Drug Use and Health.

Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. Rockville, MD: 
National Survey on Drug Use and Health Data Review, Table 5.61B. Retrieved from 
https://www.samhsa.gov/data/sites/default/files/

(source: Human Rights Watch)